Brazil is experiencing the worst crisis in its history, we do not say it, say bourgeois commentators. This text aims to understand this crisis beyond journalistic impressionism, and to act on the contradiction existing in the class struggle of the country; a very serious crisis above and lack of power down. It is about defining program, strategy and tactics for a whole period where what is placed is to build a new alternative power.
In summary in the text we touch the following points:
* the crisis of the global power structure, (of the regime of the New Republic), and of the Brazilian economy. As these two crises are leading to a situation of brutal worsening of poverty. And as despite this crisis the government with its rotten institutions continues to take more reactionary measures against workers aggravating their crisis by the lack of reaction of the masses. The new complaint against Temer confirms all these we say.
* the most important contradiction of the national situation that dyes everything and is that during this crisis and being battered, this regime continues to discharge an offensive against the people and the country. This is possible because there is an uneven development, a contradiction between crisis of the regime and the reaction of the masses to it. Those who suffer the crisis are the masses, with the increase of misery, the unemployment aggravated by the offensives of the governed against their rights and attack the country, its wealth and its environment. Notwithstanding the positive reactions against this offensive of a government in crisis, (such as the movement of artists on the Amazon), while noting that the same crisis has not yet been able to vote for political reform or social security reform, the government continues with its measures.
* The situation of the vanguards that exist today in Brazil to advance in resolving this contradiction; to build an alternative of power to the definitive collapse of the PT. The old and new avant-garde ones that exist and how the tactics and strategy combine to develop a mass alternative in the country.
* We can define the period that has opened as a crisis of the above that does not close and an accumulation below open where our action can be decisive to create a new alternative power. In summary; the crisis of the regime of the “New Republic” resembles that of a chronically ill patient suffering from an incurable disease … although not mortal, because he will only die when the masses throw him. The task is to throw it out and that will happen when the masses do it in a process superior to the one of June of 2013, when the spontaneity of the streets is combined with a political alternative.
It is the strategic exit to the situation will not be given objectively (i.e. only by objective forces that provoke it), but will be if there is a combination between these and the construction of a new alternative power for the masses.
* the strategic need of the revolutionaries to increase qualitatively in the insertion in the mass movement and an internationalist policy.
* The programmatic guidelines and the slogans of demand and transitional major to respond to the situation in the country. The combination between radical democracy, (political revolution), and anti-capitalist tasks
Before and after 30 J; two different moments of the situation
The uprising (or non-realization) of the strike of 30 June closed the way for a change, a more decisive intervention of the mass movement that could lead to a crisis that would change the correlation of forces in the country and perhaps a new moment higher than June of 2013. This hypothesis was not given. That is why the crisis in the heights continues to be recurrent and very serious, especially with the events of the first week of September (Palocci’s demarcation, mortal stab in Lula and Gedell’s Department stabbed in Temer) that show the severity of this crisis of the scheme.
The mafia in power managed to avoid impeachment; this was a subjective and objective defeat very important for the people. Since then the government has taken up some space to advance with some of its reforms passing the labor reform law. Also, a counter attack against the prosecutors and judges of the Lavajato led by Gilmar Mendez is initiated. However, the crisis of the superstructure provoked by the Lavajato is so great that the desires of the big bourgeoisie find problems to be realized. for example, it is difficult to carry forward the reform of social security and political reform to the end.
With or without Temer, one walks to the elections where there is no easy picture for the bourgeoisie or the mass movement. There are no conditions for a Bernie Sanders, Corbyn or any such thing to arise; there is no new alternative of this caliber on the horizon that could be an alternative power. But neither is the bourgeoisie easy. The PSDB that appeared as the most solid sector of exchange of 2018 (reflects a bourgeoisie less lumpenizada and more productive), has ahead a difficult road ahead. Aecio is already discarded, and the PSDB is not at its best divided between those who remain in government and those who leave it. The dispute between Doria and Alckimin will also mean wear and tear. On the other hand, it is impossible for the PMDB, after the suitcases of Gedell can wash his face. The possibility of Lula and that would come more domesticated than in 2003 to govern, is increasingly improbable by the work of Lavajato. In this uncertainty also enters the dull and indefinite Marina Silva that has nothing new but that before the crisis could be a spare part.
3.- And this Bolsonaro! this situation explains the growth of Bolsonaro, an outsider; the Brazilian Trump that is more dangerous than any for the mass movement, is unreliable to the bourgeoisie. It grew because of the skepticism of the masses and because a section of the people wants strong hand, and strong hand are Bolssonaro and the military.
It is true that we do not have a historical or strategic defeat of the movement, but the fact of inactivity is very dangerous because the movement can be defeated by a lost confrontation: it can also be by inactivity.
4.- Beyond the conjuncture the decisive problem is to create an alternative of power of political and economic rupture with the current regime of the New Republic. For that there is a great inequality between the crisis and the action of the mass movement Every day we witness events that show the repudiation of “politicians”, which the people see as something else, another class that are all the same. Unfortunately, he has a feeling of passive disappointment.
5.- That is why there is that critical impasse that will not be solved in the short term by not giving 30J. This critical impasse does not signify a calming or defeating defeat of the mass movement. Everything is still alive, and the contradictions are like a pressure cooker that is still loaded by the crisis of the regime and the increase of the poverty that will become worse. In the mass movement there is a bitter taste for the crisis, and although the people’s conscience did not advance to carry out independent actions, the pressure cooker continues to heat up.
The crisis of the regime of the “New Republic”
The balance in the superstructure is extremely unstable and critical; not only because the mass movement is not defeated, but because the intrinsic crisis of the regime itself is very deep and because the Lavajato continues to act.
The New Republic as a system of domination is in crisis, fragmented. As many commentators say, “Brazil is going through the worst moment of its modern history.” And not least, the most serious element is the crisis of the institutions of the political regime; the other is the crisis of the Brazilian economy and the great difficulties in finding an economic plan with which the ruling classes can overcome the crisis.
2.- The political regime of the current bourgeois democracy emerged after the dictatorship (“New Republic”), is in a collapse. The strongest blow that he received was the one of the days of June, but from there he did not recover. And that is because there is a very great degradation of all the institutions with different degrees: government, political parties and parliament, state bureaucracy that controls public services (health, education and security), justice (already in minor degree although it is very touched too), and to a lesser extent of all the army.
There is in the government a mafia clan (which the people recognize as such); there is a congress crowned by a political caste lumpen that does not hesitate to defend its privileges in a brazen way. It is a political / bureaucratic caste that is embedded in the state mechanisms that acts at the service of the great corporations of industry, agribusiness and banks establishing a relationship with these based on very widespread mechanisms of corruption that affect the regime. This became the way of life of this breed, an acquired behavior difficult to self-regenerate because it is a way of life that already takes a long time.
3.- Corruption is intrinsic to the system (we have always said it), and it has been very strong in Brazil since the colony, but it has increased dramatically in the last decades transforming into a normal behavior of a bourgeoisie that has more lofty traits, lease Joesley, the largest meat producer and Ike, who became Brazil’s biggest fortune with Cabral and the oil company) and financial renaissance. This relationship did not begin with the PT, it comes from before, the military and coronel’s of Sarney, Renan Magalhanes, the Gomez and their recycling.
The PT government with the PMDB, the PP and others, retook this system and with the wind in favor of exports established an organic relationship that had its origin in the mastery of the bureaucracy of large investment funds before being a government. With the BNDS in their hands and with the rise in prices of raw materials and the “Presal” adapted this system and pushed bourgeois corporations whose highest points are JBS and Odebretch. While corporations and banks made high profits, the political caste was literally a feast (remember Palocci’s parties at the Brasilia house denounced by his porter and Cabral’s birthday in Paris). Aecio, who until recently was the first figure of the PSDB, was also one of the “figures” who practiced ostensibly this scheme of which very few Brazilian politicians are saved.
4.- The Lavajato is the reaction of a sector of justice (especially cadres of prosecutors, middle judges and delegates of the PF) to this system. The fissures in the institution are a consequence of the 2013 Days. It is also possible that a sector of the bourgeoisie is encouraging it, tired of having such parasitic managers. Now, it is impossible for the regime change to occur only with it. The Lavajato can throw away the dirt of the car but it happens that the whole body is already rotten and oxidized and must be changed, and the Lavajato cannot do it alone. Their prosecutors, police delegates, seamen may be fighting brothers for that, and join in the democratic revolution that the masses need to do so.
A radical change of democratic regime is only possible with a political revolution that ends with the alliance between the big bourgeoisie and the political caste. This cannot be done by the bourgeoisie, there may be sectors of it that support. But it is one of the strategic tasks that has placed the mass movement in Brazil as well as in many other countries of the world.
We also should answer the question of why we could not get over the brake that the directions made to the general strike of June 30
On the one hand, why the mass movement prevails the feeling of skepticism and frustration to that of rebellion; it could be said that for now the mass movement does not have the capacity to make radical decisions. Making a hateful comparison with other countries, one might think that in a situation like this, in the face of a tremendous reactionary attack and in the face of the growing misery of a regime and a mob government like the one we have here, another country would not have set fire to the streets.
There are many factors that explain it, and among them have certain national characteristics of the mass movement for the social economic formation of the country. But the present skepticism has its main source in the great frustration that resulted the PT. His step integration into the regime and his organic relationship with corporations and financial capital were a dagger in the hopes of the workers. As has been said, the failure of the PT is to Brazil what the Berlin Wall was to the world left.
Another cause that we cannot lose sight of and which is fundamental to the analysis (which prevents the masses from seeing another alternative), is that the old avant-garde was unable to insurrection, to overflow the operation dismantling of discredited domes. This is a subjective defeat that we all suffer as well.
It is important to recognize that missed an opportunity that opened between April and June. In this period of mobilization, the problem of leadership became very important, and unfortunately neither the PSOL nor the left advanced where there was room to move forward. The avant-garde was closely linked to the justification analysis of the PT leadership and its policy to tow the PT. That is why he did a totally wrong analysis of the Lavajato that is becoming increasingly clear, and was in tow of the PT, not presenting itself as an alternative to the mass movement.
In crisis situations the subjective factor becomes very important. And you must prepare for that in the future. Quoting Plekhanov “The Role of the Individual in History,” Mandel wrote that:
“(…) especially in the historical moments of decisive change or crisis, the personal peculiarities of individuals can influence the type of class organization and leadership that is available.”
For all this in the mass movement there is a bitter taste for the crisis, and although the people’s conscience did not advance to carry out independent actions, the pressure cooker continues to heat up. The people see the wickedness of the people above, and see their misery advance in giant steps. Subjectively he is skeptical, disappointed but not objectively defeated. Hence, we are going through this period of uncertainties but at the same time of accumulation of forces, of gestation of new forces in the class and its vanguard; the struggle continues and the mass movement and its vanguards will regain new strength; they are already taking it.
Structural economic crisis
1.- The government speaks of the beginning of economic recovery. It is true that there are some symptoms and that “the worst thing happened”. Small GDP growth, lower taxes and inflation and a small recovery in consumption based on the middle and upper middle class. But there are no significant external investments other than those that operate in speculation.
2.- Hence the bourgeoisie try as an outlet the savage adjustment, the sale of key sectors of the country, labor reform, and retirement. The latter to try to reduce the budget deficit of the bureaucratic pachyderm; the labor market to reduce the labor force and try to have global industrial competitiveness; the privatizations to the highest bidder on companies and on mineral resources offering the country to the big corporations so that they are enriched. This great attempt at adjustment leads the country to more misery, but inequality; and we do not know if with the same Brazil manages to fit as an actor of relative weight in the current world economy
The dominant classes are waiting and betting the economic recovery with the great adjustment and say that the economy is well in contrast to the political crisis. This is partially true. A regime discredited before the masses like this cannot go to the end to solve it; for that there would have to be a partial but total defeat of the mass movement.
The Brazilian bourgeoisie does not have easy solutions, because it can only return to what it was before; the scheme that was consolidated during the PT governments, a favorable situation for exports, an internal consumption demand based on some economic improvement of the middle classes and also on the credit base. In these dynamics and based on the BNDS money, the great constructors who played a sub-imperialist role in the continent were promoted. Brazil has lost its sub-imperialist role in the continent; China (in the first place) is shifting it. And it will have many difficulties to compete with Asia (in manufacturing production, and with Western powers in technology and capital).
During the last period it was possible to “develop” the Platypus spoken by Chico de Oliveira as early as 2003 when the commodities boom began. “The evolution of the country thus ended in an anomalous nation, which is no longer underdeveloped, because it managed to industrialize, but was not developed, because it can only accumulate capital by sucking up public resources. To explain the social monstering resulting from this “truncated accumulation” is that Oliveira used the image of the platypus, a mammal with a duck’s beak and laying eggs. ” We could say that it is a great pachyderm, because it carries a heavy bureaucratic structure, a deficit state budget and a heavy debt that makes crisis after the advantages of commodities and a more massive internal consumption have ended. (A test that the internal market is restricted is expressed in the models produced by the automotive industry, an economic engine.) The manufacture of popular cars was finished, now more models for the middle class of high purchasing power.
4.- It is difficult to re-fit Brazil into the globalized world economy if it is not through greater subjection to the big corporations and to the imperialist capitalism of the US and China that are disputing world economic hegemony. It happens that Brazil is a great continent that with the crisis that lived seems to have lost the train to which China or India went up. (As Clovis Rossi rightly put it in the Folha comparing it with the other BRICS. From 2010 to 2016, Brazil’s growth was 2% compared to Russia, which was 6%, South Africa 12%, India 48% China 56%.
5.- Hence the impossibility of the dream of a sector of the old left of a new Keynesianism or a new development with the current economic structures of domination. And hence also that our economic plan is a plan of transition and rupture with the big bourgeoisie and financial oligarchy; is transitional and anti-capitalist.
There is an old and a new vanguard
1.- We are in the cycle of building a new direction. This is not a linear and automatic process as the self-proclaimed ultra-leftism thinks: “the vanguard is us, we are prepared, come to us”. On the contrary we think that we are not alone. The new direction is a process where different actors act. With the final collapse of the PT is an irreversible process; the forms it will take depend on several factors: the thrust of the class, the performance of the old and new avant-garde, the role of concrete individuals and of course our militant effort based on good tactics and a good strategy.
2.- Making an analysis of the current directions and the current processes that are developing we can say that there is an old and a new avant-garde. It is not a question of making these two processes appear as separate from one another. The two exist, between the two there are points of contact; an interconnection.
The old vanguard
3.- The old vanguard is the activism of sectors of the left that are in unions, in political parties of the left (PCB, PSOL, PCdB, a part of the PSOL), student movement, NGOs, neighborhood associations etc.).
It is a vanguard that is quite super-structured, with many bureaucratic features because it has a lot of dependence to survive the apparatuses, with little connection with the base of workers and the poor, that is, little rooted people. Just look at your action in the unions to see that there is this situation. And politically it still bears the weight of the PT’s betrayal, it does not manage to overcome it, and in that serious deficit the PSOL majority management has a great deal of responsibility.
The highest expression of capitulation to the old is without doubt its politics in Venezuela; a country destroyed by the policy of neo-Stalinism, which is advancing rapidly to a totalitarian dictatorship. Despite our statements the PSOL carries with it the public shame of being labeled as a madurista by the middle bourgeoisie and the right, cast to the PT and PCdB.
This vanguard is politically centrist, that is, it is between “adaptation and rupture”. Can you generate a new alternative? It depends on the course of the situation; in the sense of program for Brazil will continue to be semi-reformist and eclectic, but the structural crisis left less margins for their answers. And in the matter of his break with “petismo”, and his attitude towards the Lavajato (fundamental issues), this will depend on many factors. As very important comes the question of whether Lula is or is not proscribed.
The new vanguard
4.- The new avant-garde is the one that arose in all Brazil in the occupations of the schools, in the activism of support to Freixo; which is emerging in the misery and poverty of the neighborhoods, the lack of perspective of young people, women, and categories of workers, especially in which there is some mobility and renewal of labor.
It is very widespread, inexperienced, basic, but very open to an independent policy and our positions. Making an exaggerated comparison is the one that arises in the USA that very well describes the DSA document that is in Spanish in the Portal of the Left. The best of it arose from the occupation of schools that gave a new litter of young revolutionaries. These occupations taught the secondary schools much, and their effect remains until now. It exists on less scale in universities and neighborhood youth. Not by chance EMANCIPA this year has had a new dynamic and its students are more politicized. (we should analyze the boom of Emancipa that must do with what we are writing and the weight that has taken the need for solidarity, associative tasks, wear and in some cases bankruptcy of old super structures and trade unions)
In the trade union movement is the newest thing that is appearing this year, and to which we must continue with more attention because it is our weak point. There are new elements that are surely causing a weakening of the union bureaucracy. The most recent is the end of the union tax that is going to crack the bureaucratic structure that cheerfully lived on it. And on the other hand, there are also the effects that is causing the treacherous policy that had the addresses in 30J. And these processes in the middle of a policy of adjustment, wage freeze of workers. The process of a new union leadership is inevitable, combining old activists with the new, by the crisis that is not going to close.
To work with that vanguard that is at the base of the movement you must be inserted down into the masses. As Moreno said in the controversy with Mandel, politics does not respond to the needs of the vanguard but to those of the mass movement, and that is and to work with that vanguard of the movement you must be inserted down into the masses. As Moreno said in the polemic with Mandel, politics does not respond to the needs of the avant-garde but to those of the mass movement, and that is an important difference that we have with centrism today. That is why insertion is the key, and that is easily accomplished; because below there is space is practically infinite, because centrism or the old left, nor the apparatuses are there; there the competitors that unfortunately have much more force are the evangelical ones.
It is a vanguard that is not linked to the past, neither organically nor politically; that is why it assimilates our policy very quickly, Together, Emancipa and the union work that we began patiently to make are the fundamental tools to reach them. She is eager to learn, to have an explanation of what is happening in the world and eager for action, she wants to do. It does not respond to past schemes like the old one that is harder to convince our policy.
Limits are our own strengths; time works in our favor and is a strategic task that requires patience and learning as well. (As Marx said in his theses on Feuerbach, “the educator needs to be educated”). It is the policy towards the masses and the rooting to win this vanguard the strategic course of our policy in the next years.
The mobilizations against the government
1.- The first task of the revolutionaries is to be in the front row of the mobilizations of the resistance and there help to build a new direction within the objective processes that occur are our strategic tasks.
So that we do not have a general strike in front (as most Conlutas propose), resistance to government and reactionary right will continue and be expressed in many processes. The struggles of workers for wages will have an important point in the negotiations of agreements that now can be by companies according to the labor reform. The democratic struggles against the authoritarian course of government and regime and the emergence of a reactionary right that, although it has its limits, is growing. The one of the women against the machismo that continues in ascent. Those of the student movement, university and secondary. Of the black movement; the confrontation to the privatize plans to the service of the extractivism as already it was placed in relation to the region of the Amazonia. In all of them there are possibilities for unity of democratic action, united front with different sectors new and old. There we must always be trying to convince and dispute the best policy to carry forward the movement.
The construction of a new direction is more difficult and complex and will be much wider than we alone; will depend on the development of the class struggle and how it acts on the avant-gardes. We cannot run the risk of isolating ourselves from the actual process, nor can we lose our strategy. We must be part of all regrouping that is to the left of the PT with both the old and the new avant-garde.
Elements of a radical, anti capitalist and internationalist democratic program
This text does not contain the whole program Here we are referring to the most important transitional slogans for this period that we have traveled and that reality has placed as a necessity, so they will not be taken in the immediate by the mass movement. We do not touch the immediate slogans for mass mobilization; labor reform, wages, unemployment, security, democratic demands, women, etc. What we want here is to highlight how all slogans are joined in this period to our socialist program through a computer axis that links these slogans to the two fundamental tasks of the period and that we have developed during the text
→ Pricing to the rich, to big fortunes, corporations and financial capital.
→ The expropriation to Odebtertch, and the J & B, like all the other companies reached by the Lavajato. It is not the expropriation of all the great capitalists, it is the necessary step and that the workers and the people can see. This slogan requires an explanation, which form of regime and government can carry it forward and what kind of democratic participation of the same play the workers and the Brazilian people. This is the transitional slogan derived from the fight against corruption and a step towards the democratization of the means of production.
→ The political revolution to end the decadent regime of the New Republic and the implementation through a Popular Constituent Assembly of a new one based on real participatory democracy.