National Operational Team of Marea Socialista
The foreseeable failure of the “Dialogue” in the Dominican Republic, the unilateral advance of the presidential elections for April 22 by the Maduro government and the electoral office of the Executive known as CNE, together with the tour of the former Exxon Móvil and current Secretary of State of the United States, Rex Tillerson for Latin America, to implement the most ambitious plan of interference of this century against a people of the region; all this added to the hyperinflationary collapse that is in development; they are the pillars on which a new scenario is being constructed to bring about an end to the integral crisis that Venezuela is experiencing, and which will undoubtedly have, as the extraordinary phenomenon of migration that is being developed already shows, a huge impact on the continent.
1. The evolution of the crisis has taken a new step, and is not only played in the national field, increasingly shortened, but also develops in the regional and international. The anti-migratory measures (including the partial closing of borders and the mobilization of troops with the cooperation of gringo experts in the field) taken by the governments of Colombia and Brazil against Venezuelan citizens who seek exile as a way out of the hardships caused by the crisis ; the suspension of exports from Nicaragua, traditional partner of ALBA, to our country to avoid falling into the sanctions promised by the United States to all those who do not adhere to its plan; the supposed “advantages” for the Creole exiles offered by other governments such as Argentina, Chile and Peru; US oil supply plans for some islands in the Caribbean to replace the late Petrocaribe, promised by Tillerson on his tour, and the announcement by almost 40 countries, including those of the European Union, that the presidential elections called will not be recognized, are just some of the elements of a menu not yet known in its entirety, but that every day is being seen with new ads. These facts suggest that the North American interventionist escalation has gone from declarations to deeds.
These measures and the promised progression of sanctions such as the suspension of the purchase of Venezuelan oil by the United States will have devastating effects on our people. They seek, at the same time, the total capitulation of a pusillanimous government that has given enough evidence of its willingness to comply with the demands of international capital, one of whose emblematic examples in the delivery of the Orinoco Mining Arc, regardless of the consequences for the country. , and for that reason it is repudiated by the absolute majority of the population.
If the total capitulation of Madurism or an important part of it is not achieved (which is not ruled out) with these pressures, the orientation, made public by the United States, is to seek, in the best and least expensive of cases for them, that a sector of the commanders of the national armed forces produces a masked pinochetazo behind a falsely liberating speech, they count on it with the complicity of the Santos government and the pressure that the Colombian armed forces are making on the border. It is regrettable, in this scenario, that the bureaucracy with its pro-neoliberal, authoritarian and anti-popular bureaucracy, irresponsibly plays into the escalation of interventionism having pierced and demoralized the social base necessary to face aggression.
2. On the other hand, the unilateral announcement of the date of the presidential elections with the complicity of a CNE rigged and without legitimacy in the eyes of Venezuelans, corresponds to the new political moment in which the country has entered. It is another step in the search for the consolidation of an authoritarian political regime, closer and closer to a classic, counterrevolutionary Bonapartism. The electoral makeup of this regime was developed after the installation of the fraudulent Constituent Assembly. Elections to governors and mayors and now this “presidential”, try to maintain a democratic appearance where there is only repression, intimidation and terror as a state policy towards a population exhausted by the economic crisis and social breakdown.
The indiscriminate detention of both opponents accused of conspiracy who are later released, as ordinary citizens who protest the miseries of everyday life, and Chavez leaders and activists who claim against the government’s course as the workers of Dairy Los Andes. As well as the so-called “massacre” of the Junquito or the murders produced by the security forces in popular neighborhoods, they are constructing the road on which the bureaucratic and boliburguesa dome headed by Maduro y Cabello, transits in its objective of eliminating all democratic vestiges and consolidate a system of social control that rides on hunger, fear and impotence to which they are dragging the Venezuelan people.
Its weakness consists precisely in this orientation, opposed by the vertex to that of Chávez. While the bonapartism sui generis or progressive Caesarism that Chávez incarnated relied on the mobilization and relative participation of the popular movement to resist some imperial policies, this madurist authoritarianism rests on the indiscriminate and brutal repression of the population and the surrender of all resources , to seek the sympathy and confidence of big capital, a useless illusion that is costing the country dearly.
In this context, the presidential elections thus convened, unilaterally, violating, at their own risk, all the constitutional rules and the organic law of electoral processes, is part of the desperate attempt of that leadership to avoid international pressure and to be seen as a victim in front of a hungry and mistreated people, and to avoid its enormous and main responsibility in the current situation of the country and its failure in the face of the crisis.
By not representing a real democratic exercise, elections have an anticipated result. Neither the open support of Russia nor the most concealed or vacillating of China, can achieve the declared results from the power. A power that Maduro wants to build as an absolute, although he can not hide his own extreme weakness.
The participation in the elections is justified as part of the use of the few and small democratic spaces that still exist, to try to advance in a process of reorganization of the social movement today dispersed and extremely reduced, trying to install in the limited popular debate the responsibility of the government in the current hardships that we suffer and put into discussion a new national project against the parasitic bureaucracy and the traditional oligarchy and to make the attempt to take the initial steps in the construction of a new political alternative.
3. The failure of the “Dialogue” is at the same time a new moment of the collapse of the old organized political opposition in the MUD. The politicking practice of the old parties and leaders that made up this platform, more concerned about their destiny and personal advantage than the situation of the country and its people, has clashed head-on with its own incapacity. The succession of serious errors committed in the last two decades by these leaders and parties are explained by their very nature, as submissive and anti-popular as that of the ruling bureaucracy at present.
We are witnessing the definitive collapse of that opposition. Its division between sectors that participate in the Madurist cast party and those that are being harmed and persecuted by the government will be increasingly evident and will end up expressing in the presidential election as it did before in mayors. These leaders and parties are giving the last breath as opposition block. Some of them are more trustworthy for US imperialism and others more committed to the interests of rhetoric or fear and cowardice with the Maduro’s y Cabello’s regime. Take the decision to take on their participation in the presidential elections, and squandered the political capital that they had to manage in December 2015.
4. One last element of analysis, but not the least important, is the economic collapse that the country is slipping through, for now, with no restraint in sight. Some of the elements that characterize it are: the brutal hyperinflationary dynamic that has been unleashed; the plummeting oil production that according to some forecasts would touch during 2018 a floor of one million barrels per day, against the two million six hundred thousand with which it began 2017; the situation of de facto and disorderly default in relation to external debt, which seems inevitable, among many others. All this with the tremendous impact that this economic disaster causes in the daily life of the population that lives from their work.
5. The overwhelming rejection of imperial maneuvers that, as is historically demonstrated, will only bring greater destruction and hardship to the people and the country, can not be separated from the struggle against an authoritarian, starving and surrendering internal regime.
But the simplification of reading reality as divided into just two fields, between a main enemy and a secondary one to justify the international intervention led by the United States with the excuse that first we must leave Maduro and then “as it is coming we are seeing” , is the other side of another wrong vision that leads to identify “process” with “government” and from this atrocity, close ranks with Maduro and the government, responsible for the collapse of the country.
In the electoral field this simplification pushes centrist sectors some of which could be naively well-intentioned, to look for the dangerous shortcut of proposing to the candidate of the gringos, a Caribbean Macri in the figure of Lorenzo de Mendoza, with the false illusion that a “Successful businessman” would look for a production model for the country, forgetting that the success of this businessman and his family is mainly due to the mafia and corrupt appropriation of the oil income of all Venezuelans for personal gain and with the complicity of the domes policies The same happens with those who are preparing to participate in the elections by supporting Maduro or presenting other candidates who hold an uncritical and functional proposal to the government.
We are aware that sustaining an independent, democratic policy and in defense of popular and national interests is extremely difficult in the current conditions of interventionist threat, polarization and surrender. But even if at first this orientation is minority, capitulate to any of the poles, even in the electoral field would be an open betrayal of the process of independence that opened in the country at the end of the 1980s.
The pillars to build this independent policy are, from our point of view, the following: a) strongly reject the imperialist intervention in all its variants, including the coup d’état or the military aggression of the Colombian government or others. b) Put in place a broad democratic citizen movement, sovereign and independent of the current political leadership, that promotes the direct struggle to recover the constitutional framework, the defense of basic human rights and install a broad space of national debate with active participation of social movements towards a provisional government. c) articulate a sovereign and independent economic emergency plan, which gives priority to food, health and work of Venezuelans over any other priority such as external debt payments.
In the same way we call on the fraternal peoples of Our America so that while they actively reject and in the streets the cooperation of their governments with the imperialist aggression against Venezuela, repudiate the openly authoritarian, repressive and starving course of the government of Nicolás Mature, and express an active solidarity with Venezuelans who have had to go into exile in their countries.
The crisis in Venezuela must be resolved democratically, without interference or intervention, and among Venezuelans.