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Not Him! Answers On The Left Against The Ascension of Bolsonaro

Source: Revista Movimento – 09.22

The latest electoral polls confirmed Bolsonaro’s growing tendency in voting intentions after the knife attack. In the latest Datafolha survey, the Liberal Social Party’s candidate appears with 28%. Fernando Haddad and Ciro Gomes play second place in the second round, with 16% and 13% respectively. While the perspective of the arrival of Bolsonaro in the second round strengthens in the most backward mass, the response in the streets and in the networks expands. The indisputable vanguard are women who will take to the streets across the country on September 29.

The next two weeks of campaign will bring definitions. In the streets, apathy seems to prevail and the big machines are just beginning to take action in a campaign considered lukewarm in the big cities. In the PSOL campaigns, our militancy has gone to the streets to offer an outlet to the main problems of the country and fight for ideas and votes.

In this complex scenario, what are the challenges of the consequent left? Without a doubt, it is necessary to understand what Bolsonaro’s rise means to fight without respite, in the streets and in the ballot boxes, building an alternative for the present and for the future.

Bolsonaro leads a reactionary polarization

The attack in Juiz de Fora consolidated a hypothesis that was latent: the departure of Bolsonaro to the second round of the electoral process. If this scenario is confirmed, a reactionary polarization opens up and the electoral debate is oriented around the statements and positions of Bolsonaro and his staff.

Facing a huge social and economic crisis, Bolsonaro navigates in a scenario that we can define as the “organic crisis” of the New Republic regime. As Fábio Palacio wrote, recalling Gramsci, in the Folha de S. Paulo of September 16, there is a “rupture between social classes and traditional representations.” The characteristic of this type of crisis is the total or partial bankruptcy of the political-party system. ” This is the key to understanding the growth of what some call “myth”, others “unthinkable”.

It is the first time in a long time that there is a phenomenon with protofascist lines with mass weight, fruit of the economic and social crisis, boosted by the implosion of the New Republic and the delay in popular consciousness during the 13 years of government of the PT and its congeners. The lack of an alternative of the independent left with solid implementation and project hinders the overcoming by the left, reproducing a polarization in which the forces of reaction and counterrevolution are cohesive, in the offensive, with a program to organize the hopelessness . The forces of the other extreme, nevertheless, are not seen like alternative to the eyes of mass, which indicates a second return still polarized by the presence of Lula, even proscribed, indicating support to its candidate Fernando Haddad. For his part, Ciro Gomes, is presented for the dispute with the candidate of the PT as holder of a more advanced program in the economic field and with greater potential to dribble antipetismo in a possible second round. However, lacks an important electoral asset to him: the Lula’s anointing.

It is also possible to relate the electoral strength of Bolsonaro to the decline of PSDB: with its main leaders demoralized by accusations of corruption in Lava Jato, such as Aécio Neves and José Serra, operators threatening with denunciations and candidates like Beto Richa imprisoned during the electoral campaign, Alckmin sees his electoral possibilities diminish and he already attends the first defections in his coalition. The crisis of the PSDB is so great that the party runs the risk of losing the government of Sao Paulo with the candidacy of João Doria, worn down by his bad management in the mayor’s office of the capital.

The “hard core” of the sectors of the masses that are with Bolsonaro can be found in security professionals. After the demonstrations of June 2013, when the demand for the demilitarization of the police and the dismantling of the repressive apparatus against the people was strengthened – and particularly after the demonstrations of 2015 and 2016, when extreme right-wing groups openly demanded experience of the war military dictatorship, increased the most explicit demonstrations of sympathy to the proto-fascists ideas Bolsonaro within this sector.

It is always useful to remember, as Vladimir Safatle insists years ago, that PT’s governments have responsibility for this phenomenon, since they do not consistently face the demand for truth and justice for the crimes of the dictatorship, as well as for their inability to dismantle the elements openly of the reactionary security forces, such as those linked to the extermination groups and the militias, which can be seen, in retrospect, as a kind of “Serpent’s Egg” of the symbiosis between organized crime, drug trafficking, degeneration of plots of forces of security, political parties and state institutions already shown, as a self-fulfilling prophecy, in the movie “Elite Squad: The Enemy Within”, which nationally projected the figure of Marcelo Freixo. After 6 months of the murder not yet clarified by Marielle Franco, these findings are even more necessary.

At the same time, the increase in the number of homicides, femicides and robberies; the bankruptcy of the “war on drugs” and penitentiary policy; and the nationalization of organized crime factions in territories increases the feeling of insecurity of the population and the clamor, in society and in the interior of the security forces, which are resented by low wages, oppression of hierarchical superiors , high lethality and risks, lack of democratic rights and terrible working conditions, for a tougher action against crime. Bolsonaro vocalizes, roughly, inconsistently, reactionary and violent, a way of framing these complex problems and offer some kind of solution.

In the Brazilian national crisis, the economic swamp and the bankruptcy of the New Republic, Bolsonaro’s plan aims, through truculence, to carry out a real social clash at the service of the big capitalists and bankers. A plan of war against the people is prepared, a government that will transform what is left of the New Republic into an authoritarian regime that attacks the rights of the working class, women, blackness and LGBT.

The lack of harmony and the improvisation of his team help to reveal Bolsonaro’s goals. In recent days, Hamilton Mourão, candidate for vice, spoke in several interviews of the hypothesis about how a coup could take place, or “self-coup”, in the country after the electoral victory of Bolsonaro. Mourão, a reformed general who was nicknamed by Ciro Gomes of “cargo donkey”, also affirmed that children in homes commanded by mothers and grandmothers end up “unfit”, linking the creation by single mothers and grandmothers with a future entry into the drug trade.

For his part, Paulo Guedes (the millionaire investor who coordinates Bolsonaro’s economic program) created a crisis in the campaign by proposing a new CPMF (Provisional Contribution on Finance Movements) that would collect half of the Union’s budget, setting the aliquots of the Income tax at 20%, reducing the tax for the wealthiest and businesses and violently punishing the poorest, today exempt or paying lower rates. Guedes, on other occasions, made a point of affirming his surrender and subordination to the interests of US imperialism, with his passionate defense of the privatization of all the state, deregulation of the financial system and accelerated denationalization of our economy.

Stop the hand of the far right

There is an objective unit of action against the rise of Bolsonaro. As we said, the women, who challenge Trump in the United States, took the lead and called a day of struggles against Bolsonaro on September 29. This example must be followed by several sectors: youth, blackness, LGBTs, intellectuality, all and all who reject the extreme right and their reactionary policy against the people! The unions and the workers’ movement, in turn, must enter with their strength and methods to face the threat of war against the people and their rights represented by Bolsonaro and his campaign.

Even the bourgeoisie is hesitant. Bolsonaro obtained important initial support, such as from Flávio Rocha (owner of Riachuelo) Sebastião Bomfim (owner of the Centauro), and Luciano Hang (owner of the Havan stores and his pathetic replicas of the statue of liberty). They were accompanied by more backward sectors of the agribusiness and latifundio. The “markets”, however, seem to distrust their political options and the lack of the minimum capacity for leadership and management of a complex state, as the recent editorial of the English magazine The Economist, one of the main spokespersons of transnational capital, showed. .

The radical left must be part of this broad movement against Bolsonaro and the far right, combining two types of attitude: the broadest unity of action, with all kinds of action being decided and discussed democratically, even taking measures to defend against provocations and attacks ; on the other, do not lose your profile and program. For this, the PSOL’s militancy and the candidacies must maintain and deepen their activities.

Final straight: time of a rally for the PSOL’s vote!

Two weeks before the first round, we need to intensify our campaign by voting in PSOL, with Boulos and Guajajara, to strengthen a program that points the necessary way out for the economic crisis that meets the standard of living of our people and the bankruptcy of a political regime dubbed by the great corrupt arrangements of the big companies, bankers and their political parties. It is time to reaffirm our defense of measures such as the repeal of the PEC of the ceiling of expenses; the appraisal of large fortunes, inheritances, profits and dividends; the confrontation with the debt system that drowned our people; the fight against privatization and the denationalization of the economy; the recovery of salaries, the revocation of the labor reform and the fight against the reform of social security.

We fight for the vote in the number 50 for all positions because it is necessary to build and strengthen an independent project to mobilize large plots of the people and build another model before the wreck of the pacts of the New Republic and the threats of the extreme right. In this alternative, there is no space, for example, for Haddad and the PT’s policy that are already trying to rebuild their bridges with the “markets” and encourage speculation about a new economic team, which would incorporate the same neoliberal types as Marcos Lisboa to maintain the ceiling of expenses and carry out the pension reform, also defended by Ciro Gomes.

In this final stretch, we will fight to expand the PSOL’s bench, overcome the barrier clause imposed by Eduardo Cunha and place speakers in the Congress of the people’s struggles. It is time to elect more deputies and, above all, deputies, combative women who strengthen the independent, socialist and democratic alternative that Brazil needs!

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Writing office

  • Pedro Fuentes
  • Bernardo Corrêa
  • Charles Rosa
  • Clara Baeder