Left on the Move Left on the Move Left on the Move

Organize the resistance along with the Brazilian people

Translated by Du Carniel

 

We have just known the results of the elections, wherein Bolsonaro was elected president. It is a victory of the far-right, even if part of his electors doesn’t adhere to that project.

We would like to register, even if just as a start, our position on the electoral results and our immediate challenges.

  1. Bolsonaro’s victory sets an unfavourable situation for the whole of the people and for the national interests. Wide popular and middle-class sectors have voted for Bolsonaro as a reaction to the frustration towards the PT (Worker’s Party) governments and to the demoralized political caste. This frustration became desperation, which became evident especially in the Southeast, where the Right planted its flag. So were elected João Doria in São Paulo, Wilson Witzel in Rio de Janeiro and Romeu Zema in Minas Gerais.
  2. The Brazilian electoral process was marked by a series of antidemocratic vices. These vices were no deviation alone, but they characterized the essence of the process. We can cite: the unfair legislation that covered the elections, with the weight of the economic power; and the Justice dominated by the interests of the dominant class, which removed from the dispute the name of former president Lula. Despite our opposition to his governments and other PT governments, we consider that his leadership in voter preference polls was evident, and his forced removal from the race demonstrated the illegitimacy of the process. As if that weren’t enough, Bolsonaro’s candidacy was criminal in keeping a slush fund, and lied extensively with his fake news scheme that was revealed by the newspaper Folha de São Paulo. Finally, in the campaign’s final days, when a mass movement started taking to the streets against fascism, a series of judicial actions blocked the freedom of manifestation, stopping the actions of the student movement especially.
  3. Facing these facts, we consider the elected government lacks legitimacy. Besides, the candidate’s declarations which run against the 1988 Constitution considering its democratic clauses show that democratic liberties are at risk with this new government. Bolsonaro’s victory sets an unfavourable situation for the whole of the people and for national interests. The results, 55% versus 45% of the valid votes, a divided country, show a social and political polarization, with 30 million Brazilians not voting or voting for neither, the biggest amount of void votes since 1989. 91 million people did not vote for 17, Bolsonaro’s number.
  4. Bolsonaro’s first statement, accompanied by backward figures of national political life, like former senator Magno Malta, Alexandre Frota, along with his team, signal the initial precarity of his discourse. The risk of the country drifting away is real. Paulo Guedes in the economy is an attempt of a fiscal adjustment which means a war against the people, and in favor of denationalization of the Brazilian wealth.
  5. The electoral results show a geographically divided country. Bolsonaro lost in the Northeast. On this region and on the North’s biggest states, the governors are allies of the opposing field, articulated with the sector close to the PT, the PCdoB (Communist Party of Brazil) and the PSB (Brazilian Socialist Party). The extremely high ballot count in states like Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo is also more closely connected with traces of rejection for the PT than with positions of a fascist nature. For the first time, a president is elected without achieving the majority of the votes of the sectors with the lowest income nationally (of up to two minimum wages)
  6. As such, the PSOL (Socialism and Freedom Party) pronounces itself a party of resistance, of the defense of the 1988 Constitution’s democratic liberties, and affirms its program for equality and justice, which includes measures like the taxation of millionaires, a tax over dividends, a wealth tax, the defense of the rights of the poorest and of civil liberties. By overcoming the electoral treshold, with a growing electoral result, that rests on the growth of our benches and in the votes of women, the PSOL takes up a greater responsibility in the defense of the interests of the people, in the incentive to self-organization and in the wide unity that is necessary to resist.
  7. We will not support this government, or its economic program. We will call for a mass action to fight against its unpopular measures, like the freezing of public investment in healthcare and education, the attempt to terminate pensions and others. And by defending the liberties of the 1988 Constitution, we will fight so that the legitimacy of the electoral constitutional process is retaken as soon as the people have the strength to conquer it. We defend a cleaner, more transparent form for the electoral process, with equal public resources, and also equal time on the TV and on the radio, with mandatory debates (which also means a mandatory debate or interview in case a candidate on the second round decides not to participate, as Bolsonaro did). Also in the electoral process the courts have the obligation to fight fake news and at the same time guarantee freedom of expression.
  8. The PSOL’s role must be to organize the resistance with all of the political and social forces who wish to accompany us, partially or totally, in the defense of democratic liberties. This unity of action will be made by clearly presenting our program. The wide unity that was conformed by the end of the second round to reject Bolsonaro is a starting point for this initiative, in the parliamentary context and in society. Over the next days, we want to advance in the discussion of the political situation, and on the necessity of the construction of alternatives and of resistance. It’s fundamental to understand and to discuss how we got here. To fight better in the future, we must extract lessons from the processes.
  9. We will defend the democratic liberties against authoritarianism. We will be vigilant in the face of any extrajudicial measure of action, or that disrespects the legal milestones achieved so far. Whether to attack social movements, or to widen the genocide against the poor population in the country’s peripheries. We will denounce the action of militia groups or of any paramilitary nature who may act to intimidate opponents and their communities, as it already occurs in several parts of the country and, in Rio de Janeiro, it constitutes the gravest of risks. We will use our networks and international relations to echo around the world the resistance against arbitrariness and violations of the new government, as well as by its allies in the state governments.
  10. Among parties who claim to oppose Bolsonaro and to defend the interests of workers, of employees, of peasants, of the landless, the homeless, indigenous people and “quilombolas”, women and black people, we will defend an united front based on a common program of these social sectors’ demands, as well as insist on this united front to defend the organizations of the working class, of the youth and of the rural and urban social movements, like the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) and the Homeless Workers’ Movement (MTST).
  11. We believe in the strength and organizing capacity of the Brazilian people. The activities of the democratic movement that preceded the election were a demonstration, even if electorally insufficient. The women and the student movement built a democratic environment to establish unitary actions against Bolsonaro’s authoritarianism. Only by winning the majority of the people for a resistance platform we will have succeeded in our actions. The task to organize the resistance befalls women, workers, the youth, black people, the LGBT community, the middle class, the intellectuals, the peasants, and therefore, the wide majority of the Brazilian population. The condition to build a strong opposition is to have the capacity to return to the bases, listen to our colleagues and neighbors, show patience and serenity. Build in every study, housing and labor site a platform that is able to answer to the most sensitive problems of the people. This is the key task to renovate the presence of the Left among the ones below, by presenting itself in form and content as a necessary tool for the people. A new Left is necessary for a new project of society.
  12. We come from afar. We have, like part of the Left movement in Brazil, and like the internationalists we are, the defense of a spotless flag, that hasn’t started today nor will end tomorrow. We will be organizing the resistance.

 

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