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How we will resist the new government of Bolsonaro

Text by MES translated and edited for Left on the Move


The victory of Jair Bolsonaro is a change; it represents a leap in quality, a new type of regime, still in transition, with greater restrictions of democratic freedoms, a more severe adjustment and a denationalization of the economy. The country took a turn towards the extreme right, which will have impacts throughout Latin America.

The electoral result meant a large-scale political earthquake in Brazilian political and social life. The first statements of the elected government team bring uncertainties in the face of the new situation opened with the victory of Jair Bolsonaro on October 28.

It is necessary to examine all the data to understand the deep meaning of the electoral process. Polarization divided Brazil. Bolsonaro won with 57.7 million votes from a universe of 140 million voters, which is close to 39% of the total eligible voters. His party, the PSL, elected 52 deputies, a number that must be promoted with future accessions and mergers linked to right-wing parties that failed to pass the 9-deputies barrier clause and more than 1.5% of valid votes. He also elected 4 senators and the governors of Santa Catarina, Rio de Janeiro and Roraima. Such states were those that gave higher indices for Bolsonaro.

Haddad added in the second turn 47 million votes, winning in all the states of the Northeast. In that region, all the elected governors are dressed with the old support field for the Lula and Dilma governments. But the victory of the extreme right was consolidated in the Southeast, Minas Gerais, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the three largest states in the country, where their allies Doria, Zema and Witzel won comfortably in the second round. And it was repeated in the three states of the South, Santa Catarina and Paraná, as in all the rural center west.

The contradictory element of the new situation that serves as the central nucleus for the resistance is the enormous politicization of the democratic movement that was extended in the last fifteen days of the campaign of the second shift. That made that, in the big cities, the space of Bolsonaro was answered. As the electoral investigations showed in turn, the high polarization led to a political impasse in the larger cities, in which the majority of women voted against Bolsonaro. That number reached 59% if we consider the votes of the young women. Among the poorest, according to the same researches, Bolsonaro also lost. Among blacks, LGBTs and young people, the indices also counteract Bolsonaro’s victory. That powerful asset is that it must be identified as dynamic in the process of resistance.

Bolsonarism, as was fascism in the 20s and 30s, is the product of a deep crisis in the system and the absence of a left alternative to that crisis. The masses follow an authoritarian caudillo when they have been demoralized or demotivated by a left or class leadership that commits gross errors or betrayals. It is then that the desperation of popular and middle sectors takes place, it takes them to the right and the big bourgeoisie becomes a supporter of an exit alien to classical bourgeois democracy. Then the working class is disappointed, loses confidence. In Brazil, that happened. The PT suffered a profound transformation; of independent party became, as it was the European social democracy in liberal social. He ruled for the big bourgeoisie doing, thanks to the favorable economic situation that the country experienced due to the rise in the prices of raw materials, concessions to the poorest sectors. impoverished. It was that historical treason of the PT and its recurrent erroneous policies that created conditions for the parliamentary coup and then the Bolsonaro emergency.

The new and unprecedented situation demands a relocation of the whole socialist left to intervene in reality and to debate the construction of an alternative for the immediate battles of the working class, youth and women. Our political battle with the PSOL will have this meaning. In this document, we want to point out fundamental traits for the discussion of the electoral balance and the first perspectives.


A reactionary, defensive situation, with features not yet defined

We are in front of a reactionary situation. The election of Bolsonaro, accompanied by the institutional advance of his supporters and allies, suggests that we are moving towards a new regime, which no longer responds to the 1988 agreement, but of which we still do not know what the most general determinations will be. In international politics, he is aligned with Trump and Ogan. His ideologist is the same as Trump’s; Steve Bannon. It is against environmental regulation agreements and is also sexist and racist. Bolsonaro as Trump has fascist genes. But one thing is the genotype and another the phenotype. In political words it would be what he thinks and what he can do in reality that depends on many factors besides what he thinks. His government has not yet been proven in reality, he did not assume. What if it is true that the relationship of forces became unfavorable, a battle was lost that causes the reaction to gain ground and positions, but the war was not lost.

The political crisis of the New Republic regime throws the political pendulum for the right.


From 2011 to 2017 the pendulum oscillated several times to the left before finishing to the right

The situation opened up with the strikes and the social unrest of 2011, strengthened an experience with the liberal social policy of the PT governments, and gained a quality leap with the emergence of youth and popular sectors in the days of June 2013. The people took to the streets for more rights. Specifically a mobilization repressed jointly by the São Paulo mayor Haddad and Governor Alckmin (by chance the two candidates in the national elections of 2018 by the PT and PSDB), against the increase in public transport generated a national revolt that demanded more money for health and education before the mega stadiums and useless mega constructions of the World Cup. Taking the streets (as had happened previously in other parts of the world (Spain, Taksim Square in Turkey) the people also demanded more direct democracy.

The regime of the New Republic post military dictatorship based on the 1988 constitution suffered a blow that collapsed it. Elements of a pre-revolutionary situation were being opened, one could say that a new transitory situation was being lived. The PT with already ten years of government that turned it into a structure adapted to that regime that crunched, did not take any step in the sense of what the masses demanded. Dilma threatened with the convocation of a constituent assembly, but they were only feint, she was very tied to the regime and the ruling class that of course did not see it as an exit. Temer demanded the liquidation of the proposal, itself mediated, of the Constituent Assembly that came to be lifted by Dilma. Red Globo sought to divert the focus of the protest, separating the “radical wing” to normalize the streets of the country.

Between 2013-2015, there were several examples of mass independent action. The number of strikes multiplied, reaching the highest in the history of the country. Strong strikes, such as bus drivers from Porto Alegre and Rio garbage collectors and ABC Paulista, infected the categories. Politicization placed the issue of direct democracy; the rejection of the corruption that had already appeared with the “mensalão” in 2006, reappeared again. Housing movements were strengthened in the major urban centers, with a highlight for the MTST in São Paulo.

The heavy hand of repression stopped the protests with the use of the National Force, the approval of the “antiterrorist law” and the joint operation between the government Dilma and the state governments during the Cup. The resignation of more than 50 activists of the São Paulo Metro in the great strike of the category on the eve of the World Cup marked that scenario. The framework of Red Globo to criminalize the streets for the death of TV reporter Santiago, already in 2015, was a turning point in street protests.

Dilma, in the 2014 elections, had her last warning. The PT was already beginning to receive a punishment vote in the large urban centers and in the states where it governed. The appeal of a speech further to the left in the second shift then became a new frustration. After the tight victory of the PT (with Michael Temer as vice president), Dilma applied an economic adjustment naming the banker Joaquim Levy as Economy Minister.

The discontent that exploded in 2013 shook the entire “political system” to what the economic crisis later added to a deep recession never seen before. At the same time, the corruption scandals undressed the mechanism of association of the entire caste, from the “left” to the “right”, involving PT, PMDB, PSDB, PP and the minor acronyms associated with the New Republic.

The lack of a centralized address with authority and a program cost dearly for June. This was their main weakness, added to the fact that the working class as such did not participate actively despite the passive support to the youth that united the middle classes to their most precarious sectors.

The reactionary demonstrations based on the middle class, driven by the MBL and other sectors of the right of 2015 were a response of the right to the crisis of the regime. We defined at that time that it was a “simulacrum” of the June Days. The right began its dispute also in the terrain that marked the hegemony of the progressive camp until then: street demonstrations and social networks.

Such demonstrations were the support for the palace coup that in the form of parliamentary impeachment Dilma took to place his intimate enemy, Michel Temer. A fuse to be burned in the plan of the bourgeoisie known as “Bridge for the future”.

The change of conjuncture closed the hypothesis of a pre-revolutionary situation. However, it left margins for important actions of the mass movement, such as the wave of school occupations, the cycle of struggles of 2017 that began with March 8 and had its apex in the general strike of April and in the great occupation of Brasilia against pension reform. This process that opened a new oscillation of the pendulum to the left was stopped by the emptying of the new general strike of June 30, by the bureaucratic directions of the unions and the leadership of the PT.

The strategy that Lula and the leadership of the PT used to respond to that short cycle of struggles was to divert action to the defense of Lula and ensure the government’s attrition to run in the 2018 election. A strategy that organized defeats.

The real controversy of 2016 was not about who was against or in favor of the impeachment; all the left we had a position contrary to the parliamentary coup. What was at issue was a change in the political regime, if a comparison with the coup of 1964 was legitimate, as the PT and its allies did, which evidently did not happen.

The alarmism of the sectors of the PT and its satellites disarmed the vanguard for the hard confrontations we have and will have on the forehead. The fear government, product of that parliamentary coup deepened the bleeding of the New Republic. An exit as “general elections” – if it was taken by all the progressive sectors – would have a mobilizing impact capable of stopping the amalgam that began to form around more authoritarian and messianic exits. “Let Dilma stay” did not fall on the masses. That is why the mobilizations against the impeachment did not reach more than a vanguard sector. Once again, the leadership of the PT and the Lulismo chose to defend their own interests as an apparatus instead of betting on popular mobilization.

The result of the municipal elections in 2016 already projected the turn to the right, in the time galvanized by the PSDB and by outsider figures, despite the good performance of the PSOL when passing for the second turn in three important cities such as Sorocaba, Belém and Rio de Janeiro.

The municipal elections of 2016 had as a result the most important electoral victory of the right, in particular of the PSDB, with the unpublished appearance of an organized – still quite minority – form of forces of the extreme right in the Municipal Chambers and in political life of cities.

This balance is what ends up explaining Bolsonaro’s triumph. It is essential to do so, not only to avoid new mistakes but also to show that popular sectors are going to the right for certain counterrevolutionary policies that have taken place. The triumph of fascism in Germany can not be understood without Stalin’s ultraleftist policy of refusing the united front with social democracy. For concrete political tragedies Mossolini rose in Italy and Against the idea that the reformist leaders pass that this happens because the workers and the people are “backward” the reality of their capitulations explain the triumph of the rights.

The strength of Bolsonaro dragged sectors of the bourgeoisie and the said “market”, eager for a greater speed in the issue of reforms and privatizations. The militant wing of the bourgeoisie in the campaign had already been identified, especially in commercial and input sectors linked to agribusiness. The formation of a committee of the bourgeoisie around the fakenews indicates their need to expand their profits based on the desperation and deep deregulation of labor relations.

Popular discontent expanded what was an incipient base of the extreme right and surpassed the bourgeois camp previously controlled by the PSDB. “Desclasados” of all kinds, expressions of the modern petty-bourgeoisie and the workers of the transport sectors, such as truck drivers, taxi drivers and Uber, in addition to the middle classes who took to the streets to demand the end of the government Dilma are the electoral base of the PSL triumph.


Not only did the petista strategy fail, but also its electoral politics

In the polarized elections of 2018 that gave the victory to Bolsonaro, the PT again failed. The PT was not able to fight the extreme right, did not do except in the last week of white campaign in the danger of Bolsonaro.

The policy that Lula carried out – avoiding any alternative outside of himself and the core PT, neutralizing the PSB to loosen Ciro – bet that the best would be a turn between the PT and Bolsonaro, underestimating, objectively, the strength of the accumulated positions by the extreme-right. The Lulista leadership agitated in the final straight the threat of Bolsonaro, but did not act to fight the real body. Rapper Mano Brown’s statement in the final campaign event in Rio de Janeiro saying that the PT could lose because he had forgotten to dialogue with the poor people is the testimony of that policy. The distancing of the majority left from the life of the people, with the gentrification on the part of the cadres and leaders, opened the way for other actors to occupy the space, since it is known that there is no vacuum in politics. The evangelical churches operated in that condition of isolation and distance from the left of the neighborhoods and peripheries of the country.

The PSOL had difficulties presenting a global project, connected with popular aspirations, starting with indifference regarding “corruption”, which together with public security, was the greatest expression of the inability to create an alternative project, capable of move crowds

Even so, the PSOL is strengthened because it was the most outstanding expression of concrete struggle against the corruption of democratic flags, especially of women, the fight for justice for Marielle and part of the student youth.

In this way, the consolidation of the reactionary situation occurred at the polls with the government of Bolsonaro


A reactionary situation

The victory of the last October 28 consolidates a reactionary situation. A situation that operates in a new type of regime, still in transition, that backs away from the democratic condition of the 1988 constitutional regime. A less democratic regime. A government with authoritarian and semibonapartist lines, supported by the centralization of powers in the hands of the president, with the army assuming positions and balancing with all other institutions.

We already said that Bolsonaro carries fascist genes, but that the new product of the reactionary situation does not yet have its defined lines. It will depend on the class struggle, that is, resistance to the authoritarian, neoliberal, privatization and adjustment plans against the workers and the same contradictions that the dominant classes have in Brazil. No historical defeat of the working class yet occurred. The political and democratic reserves of the working class were not tested in the class struggle. The hesitant and restraining character of bureaucratic leaderships did not lead to a defeat in the field of class struggle, but in the terrain where those leaders accept to contend with politics as a center in the last 30 years: the electoral dispute.

The institutional strength accumulated by Bolsonaro is the greatest risk to forge a more regressive situation for the mass movement. This will be a permanent tension in your government. In Rio de Janeiro, this situation gains even more dramatic contours with attacks on democratic rights, such as the license for the kill police, promised by Witzel. What is certain is that we are going for a situation of greater social polarization.


Brazil synchronized with an international trend

The victory of the extreme right in a Latin American giant such as Brazil changes the quality of the relationship of forces in the continent. Just as in 2013 we defined that Brazil entered the “world route of the indignant”, being part of the movement of streets and squares that youth starred in part of the planet, we can relate the victory of Bolsonaro with the rise of new authoritarian governments, “Right-wing populists” and extreme-right in the world. The phenomenon, unequal, has Trump’s face more visible.

With the economic crisis of 2008, latent trends in the countries ended up synchronizing: the need to expand the extraction of surplus value, reducing the “cost” of countries and increasing productivity rates; popular discontent with corruption and the management of traditional parties; and the absence of a socialist, mass and consequent alternative.

The political form that translated the combination between the political and economic crisis ended up devastating the regimes based on the pacts between the traditional parties, the constitutional right and the social democratic left. Touched by problems such as emigration, public security and corruption, the exhaustion of the democratic management model based on the alternation and longevity of the regimes, opened a stage of recurrent “organic crisis” in many of the countries, so that we use a concept of Antonio Gramsci, in which there is a “rupture between social classes and traditional representations. The partial or partial failure of the political-party system is characteristic of this type of crisis “. This analogy applies to governments and regimes born of the electoral victories of Trump, Erdogan, Orban and Duterte, as well as the case of Salvini’s Italy.

The exit by force – contrary to the long democratic periods before it – no longer appears as an exception or a parenthesis. Different from each other, with sometimes conflicting interests and different trajectories, the existence of authoritarian regimes is a fact in large countries of the world: China, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, in addition to those already mentioned, part of the recent electoral phenomena.

The deep aspect of the growth of departures to the right is related to the lack of a socialist and democratic perspective. Socialism is not seen as possible on the horizon of millions, either because of its identification with the Stalinist project that failed in the last century, or because of the real weight that the reformist ideology still has on the class. The tragedies of Ortega in Nicaragua, a degenerate dictatorship, or Maduro, a process that leads Venezuela to political and economic ruin, represent models that delay consciousness for an alternative regime, in which workers can govern, separate the rentier and expropriate the bourgeois class.

It is a profound historical process. The democratic revolutions and radicalized processes that we have witnessed since the eruption of Tahrir Square in 2011 and its impact on the “wave of the indignant” did not result in an inflection that would place on the horizon the issue of power by workers, their organizations and for the radical left. A process that must be studied and discussed, even as a result of the experience of bureaucratized Workers’ States in the 20th century, in which false consciousness prevailed.

The regional situation consolidates the pendulum for the right, with Bolsonaro, Duque in Colombia, Piñera in Chile, as well as the Macri government in Argentina. That will have effects, such as greater pressure for the American presence in the region, speech against immigrants and harassment against the sovereignty of Venezuela.

The role of Zionism in the construction of Bolsonaro’s victory reveals a greater partnership in military trade – collaboration agreements have already been announced – and the support of evangelical leaders with their new pro-Israel theology. The announcement of the policy of transfer of the embassy to Jerusalem, following the steps of Trump, caused diplomatic constraints, with the reaction of the Arab countries, which we must continue accompanying.

One of the articulators of the victory of Bolsonaro, the “genius of the fakenews” Steve Bannon, makes the bridge between the extreme-right and the national processes that arise in the world. The most important factor to be followed is the dynamics of the Trump government, its unfolding in the terrain of resistance and its legitimacy. (See text on the elections in the United States).

There are still some questions to go with: what will the global economic crisis be like? Where is the Trump government going? Will the trade dispute between China and the US be expanded? What is the regional dynamics of countries like Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Mexico?


Where the new government points

The closure of the regime responds to a need of capitalism to ensure its economic stability, stability from their point of view, the capitalists, especially in the case of rentiers, who want to continue sailing at high interest rates and financial gains exorbitant they have over the past years. If this is not a novelty, there is a threat of the economic crisis on the horizon, since Brazil is no longer able to maintain such a level of interest payments and at the same time pay retirees, invest in health and education.

The announced nucleus of the new government responds to the fundamental sectors of “bolsonarism in consolidation”: many military, Paulo Guedes and ultraliberals inspired by the Pinochet government, more backward sectors of the agronegócio as the UDR / Heinze, evangelicals and leaders of the calls to benches of the Ox, Bala, Bible, with the blessing of international financial capital and sectors of the national bourgeoisie. The unpredictable Bolsonaro government will be of permanent tension between a line of greater management of business and semi-fascist tenor statements.

The military returns to the center of institutional politics after decades. This is due to the policy adopted by the PSDB and the PT not to confront the amnesty to the military, contrary to the process that occurred in the redemocratization in countries such as Uruguay and Argentina. No torturers came to the bank of the prisoners. The trial and punishment did not happen. The SNI / ABIN, the military courts and the police structure of two independent state forces remained after the pact of the New Republic.

Today we have a military structure that includes, between the Navy, the Army and Aeronautics, more than 320 thousand active military, in addition to 1 million 115 thousand reservists and 425 thousand active members of the military police, 13 thousand in the Federal Police and 118 thousand in the state civil police. General Augusto Heleno is one of those who postulate as capable of giving direction to the Bolsonarian alliance. Supported during the PT governments as responsible for the occupation forces of Haiti – experience later used to project operations and military intervention in Rio de Janeiro. Heleno seeks to be the element of cohesion, between the military and civilian fractions, of a government that still shows a lack of harmony.

The lack of policy of most of the left for the low and average official is also part of the balance. There were two major waves of mobilization in the civil and military police during the New Republic period. First, the great state strikes of 1996-97 occurred, which clashed with the neoliberal adjustment of the 1990s, with great force in Alagoas, Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais. Years later, under the federal government, the mobilization of firefighters and military and civilian police occurred, since the 2011 firefighters strike in Rio de Janeiro.

The PT offered a reformist solution in response to the first wave and, when it was in the government, it operated repression, reaching to catch the leaders of the movement to avoid a national rebellion. There remains the lesson of the need to have a policy of organization and defense of the associative capacity of the lower and middle layers of the Armed Forces and the police.

The large landowners were gaining weight in the face of the political crisis. After the years of increase in the international prices of commodities, in which a part of the agribusiness went through a line of coexistence with social-liberalism, under the leadership of Maggi and Kátia Abreu, the leaders of the rural world and of the big ownership took the defense of their interests and positions. Heinze, Encalado and Nabhan Garcia associate the defense of the carrying of arms, the new laws on rustling, with a strong group of pressure inside of the bolsonarismo, as reactive phenomenon to the demarcations of earth and historical repairs with quilombolas, indigenous, ribereños and others communities that contend for the distribution of the land.

This phenomenon is similar to the part of the “altright” trumpist, armed and rural, with the re-conquest of racist and slave-like values, a legacy that still weighs in Brazil, a country in which the limit of transitions is revealed above “, incomplete, and in which the latifundio returns to frighten with its speech against natives, blacks and without-land.

With the “pastors” Magno Malta and Silas Malafaia, the evangelical component will be another permanent variable in the Bolsonarian nucleus. Of course, the new government’s willingness to apply measures of force against secular and pluralist education, around issues such as “school without a party”, in an ultraconservative reading of reality becomes clear. It will be a government of permanent confrontation, tension and hot dispute, with the continuity of the fakenews. We can condense, schematically, the fundamental axes of Bolsonaro’s plan in the following way;Parte superior do formulário

a) Economy: adjustment, pension reform, privatization, attack on public servants, and labor and social rights;

b) Security: revision of the Disarmament Statute, decrease in the penal majority and deregulation of private retirement;

c) Education: progress in the privatization of higher education with the possible aim of free education and “school without a party”;

d) Environmental: attack on environmental preservation bodies, such as Ibama and ICM-Bio, flexibility of reserves, encouragement to mining, licensing with extraction and attacks on indigenous peoples.

The indication of Paulo Guedes for a new Ministry of the Economy that will concentrate enormous attributions responds to the “neoliberal shock” requested by the market operators. In turn, the presence of Sérgio Moro in the Ministry of Justice, with a great concentration of powers, is an attempt by Bolsonaro to respond to an appeal from public opinion, opening new contradictions that may soon loosen the project of the new government. While it may be a “circuit breaker” to be burned by the double Bolsonaro / Mourão, Sérgio Moro will be self-conscious about his companies on the Esplanade, such as Onyx Lorenzoni, who confessed to receiving box 2. The first collective interview of Moro already showed the pressure of the press on this contradiction. It will also be necessary to accompany as it will deal with the most serious issue in the field of democratic rights: the Marielle case. In his first interviews, he touched on the matter, which proves to be necessary to move forward in the agitation and demands of response, both in Brazil and internationally. We express our vision in the article by Roberto Robaina, “Sérgio Moro de minister de Bolsonaro”.

The economic prospects are uncertain: what we know is that there will be more attacks on the people, chaos in the public service and growth of forms of precarious work. There are several open questions. Will Brazil receive new foreign investments stimulated by the Guedes shock policy? What will be the effects of the crisis in the currencies of emerging countries? How will the government handle the issue of indebtedness? What will be the dimension of the social crisis in the face of such attacks? How will the real economy stay? A recent news in the Folha de S. Paulo speaks in more than 20 thousand street dwellers only in the capital of São Paulo. The strong presence of organized crime in important capitals, the object of Bolsonaro bravado throughout the campaign, is another fundamental issue on which the people await a response.

It is necessary to bear in mind that the millions of voters who placed the hope that Bolsonaro could alter “everything that is there” will quickly begin to make their experience with this government and its leader. With respect, the vision of Marcelo Freixo is quite eloquent: “I have no doubt that the best way to defeat the bolsonarismo, that wave of backwardness, of such a strong retreat, is he [Bolsonaro] in the government,” he says. “There he will be exposed to something that never was. The problem is the price that one is going to pay, that price will be high, incalculable. ”

The greatest risk of the current process is linked to the growth of the militias. The main and real expression of sectors that can go to fascism, as we warned at other times, is linked to Rio de Janeiro and the existence of paramilitary bands in the form of militias. The dramatic scene of Rio is the worst expression of this phenomenon: the rise of bolsonarism extended to the militias. It is still too early to risk any hypothesis, but this danger and the greatest military weight in the government are the real risks within the regime’s enclosing tendency and attacks against the left, the workers’ movement and their organizations.


Resistance and politicization

The turn of the election was marked by the arrival on the scene of hundreds of thousands of activists who fought against the emergence of Bolsonaro and his semi-fascist positions. There was an escalation of politicization, especially among women and youth, who anticipate the vanguard of a resistance to Bolsonaro’s plans and his attacks on constituted democratic liberties.

One should try to combine that democratic movement of the last two weeks of the second shift with the need of the working class to make the experience. As we said, an important sector of the voters of Bolsonaro voted stimulated by elements of backwardness and by the vision of “altering all that there”, in a kind of rejection of the old “political elites”.

Mobilizing the dynamic sector of resistance and accompanying the experience of those who voted in Bolsonaro for confused reasons is the secret to broaden the politicization dynamic and avoid major setbacks. Therefore, it will be important to be open to dialogue, patiently explaining to the working class sectors what is at stake.

Bolsonaro’s unpopular measures, such as the pension counter-reform, the destruction of labor rights, the de-linking of social areas from the budget and the possible recreation of the CPMF, as well as other broad attacks on the rights of the people, should serve as a basis for experience. As Vladimir Safatle said in a recent exhibition at USP, “we have to stay united and bring those who are on the other side. So we are going to rebuild a democratic majority. Universities are the citadels of resistance. ”

The Friday before the election, several universities were invaded with judicial mandates for the withdrawal of bands alluding to the fight against fascism. After an important mobilization, the STF considered such measures unconstitutional. The defense of the universities is a lever for the construction of a pole of resistance, organizing low and offering democratic and participatory alternatives to act. The student movement calendar will be special, therefore, as a way to also unite post graduate students, the defense of research, university autonomy, the right of chair and all the achievements of public universities and the system national research in recent years.

We will have to be vigilant and vigilant in the defense of constitutional measures. The role of institutions such as STF can arbitrate in favor of popular measures and against legal violations. This parameter will lead us to compose large units for such defenses. The contentions against action of the bolsonaristas in the federal, state and in the dispute of society must be preserved. It is important to answer each attack with force, beginning with the politics of the gag school called by them “school without a party” and it is fundamental to build a broad unity of progressive forces in defense of democratic freedoms, since the verbal attacks of Bolsonaro they can be transformed into real attacks, already anticipated in the electoral campaign, against the press and oppressed populations, which need to be answered.

It is not possible to accept the hegemony of any party in this process of building the opposition to Bolsonaro. What will happen in the next four years is very difficult to foresee because it will depend on the reaction capacity of the progressive forces of society, if they will succeed in preventing the reactionary setbacks that Bolsonaro intends to impose on society or will fall back, letting the political forces of the right advance more and more. We can prevent such setbacks with the strength of the women, who were fundamental in this process of struggle against Bolsonaro in the second shift, with the strength of the LGBT movement, with the strength of youth in schools and universities, which are already demonstrating its capacity for resistance. But it is necessary to expand the resistance and dialogue.

The electoral surveys showed that a large part of Bolsonaro’s voters did not believe that he would go to establish a dictatorship in Brazil. Then, if he tries to implant that dictatorship, the voters of Bolsonaro will be able to come to be our allies to fight against Bolsonaro himself.

The labor movement, in turn, has not yet had its strength put to the test. We do not know how the heavy battalions of the class will respond, where there are many voters of Bolsonaro. We must organize and dialogue in the workplace. The accumulation of the fight against the reform of the retirement of Temer, in 2017, engendered a position widely majority in rejection to the retirement of the rights of the social security. Sectors such as truck drivers and those linked to the security forces, as watchmen, who stood in favor of voting in Bolsonaro may have contradictions with the economic plans that will be applied.

The public service will be attacked. Using functionalism as a scapegoat, the weight of repression and resignations will be great. We have to accompany the defense of public service, and the fiscal crisis in the states.


The challenges of PSOL and the recomposition of the left

The PSOL must take part in the cycle of resistance after its electoral victory, as the protagonist of many democratic struggles in the country. Overcoming the barrier clause that the parliament voted to restrict parties places the party with many responsibilities in the face of difficult circumstances. It is necessary to continue the construction and reinvention of the “new left”, as part of the struggle for leadership for class and youth. It is during the shock periods that the directions are tested and it is clear that the PT is not up to the challenge. For that reason, we defend that the PSOL can forge units, but with its own and independent profile. The party can not have an orientation to build a preferential field with petismo. Trotsky explains in “Class – Match – Direction” how the addresses can be overcome:

“Imitating the liberals, our sages tacitly accept the axiom that each class has the direction it deserves. In reality, the direction, in no way, is a simple “reflection” of a class or the product of its own free creation. The direction is forged in the process of clashes between different classes and frictions between different layers within a given class. Once assumed his role, the leadership invariably rises above his class, which makes him predisposed to suffer pressures and influences from other classes. The proletariat can “tolerate” for a long time a direction that has undergone a process of complete internal degeneration, provided that it has not had the opportunity to show this degeneration in the face of great events. A great historical shudder is necessary to appear the sharp contradiction between the direction and the class. The most powerful historical shudders are wars and revolutions. Precisely for this reason is that, often, the working class is caught off guard by the war and the revolution. But, even in those cases in which the old leadership has revealed its internal corruption, the class can not immediately improvise a new direction, if it did not inherit solid revolutionary cadres from the previous period, capable of taking advantage of the collapse of the old ruling Party. ”

The question of the dispute of hegemony in the opposition camp must be debated. In the area of ​​the reorganization of the left, in addition to the critical conclusions to the experience of the governments of the PT, of a social-liberal nature, the affirmation of the PSOL, its own identity, its clear and independent policy will be fundamental. By persisting the absence of a global and alternative policy by the PSOL, the PT tends to lead the opposition, as a result of its relative strengthening, at least in the parliamentary arena. That struggle, in the framework of a unit that must be much larger and encompass all the existing opposition to Bolsonaro, exists because we have a project differentiated from the PT and we fight not to be confused.

The PSOL must make a leap in its political intervention and in its organizational capacity. There is room to defend the radical democratic guidelines that the PSOL vocalizes. We need to deepen the discussion to link the party more to the class and build a more global project.

Our electoral result strengthened the Party. We achieved almost 3%, doubling the bench elected in 2014 in the Chamber. Our highlight was the women, half of the federal bench, with Sâmia, Fernanda, Talíria, Áurea and Erundina. Our vote in Rio de Janeiro was strong, led by Marcelo Freixo, followed by Glauber and Jean. A federal bench is completed with the experience of Ivan Valente, who has the brand of resistance to the military regime, and also with the strength of Edimilson, the most voted deputy of Pará. We advance by 50% our representation in the state assemblies, expanding the parliamentary action radius of the Party.

The Party needs to have measures to be able to integrate the militant intervention, the federal bloc and the party leadership: periodic meetings of the leadership, greater communication between the militancy, and the acting sectors. And an immediate campaign of affiliations, with criteria, to open the doors for thousands of activists who want to organize the resistance and see in our Party a necessary tool. For so much, it is necessary to have a more lively and militant party, which guarantees with unity the defense of the democratic and social program with radicalism and capacity for dialogue with other sectors and political forces on the left. So that the orientation is as clear as possible, we want to affirm three own and differentiated categories:

I – Broad action unit: with everyone, based on specific issues, according to the needs. An orientation that serves from parliamentary blocs to democratic campaigns. The condition for a common block / unit is to establish minimum points of agreement, transparency in the composition and guarantee of expression of the independent political profile;

II – Single Front: with those who declare to defend the interests of the workers, the wage earners, the peasants, landless, homeless, indigenous and quilombos, women and blacks, we will defend a united front based on a common program of claims of these social sectors, well as we will insist on the united front to defend the organizations of the class, of the youth, of the social, rural and urban movements, like MST and MTST.

III – Anti-capitalist identity: strategic discussion for the formation of a pole and struggle for the PSOL to represent the new left. More than ever, it is necessary to make the debate of alternatives.

The growth of the DSA in the United States, as a result of the need to resist Trump, serves as an example of the existence of space for a postulation that affirms socialism and freedom.


Our tasks

The current MES-PSOL assumes the new challenges. We have new mandates that position us to respond to the daily national policy. We know that the only way out for the development of the socialist left, in the current course, is to struggle for the PSOL to postulate itself as a tool of the people’s struggle and an alternative within the field of resistance.

We want to announce some of the axes with which we must intervene and push for them to be taken in the next period. The defense of democratic liberties, in which the role of women and youth is central as the first line of resistance. That involves the mobilization against the project “school without a party”, the defense of the universities, actively participating in the struggles in the study premises, the vigilance and denunciation of the policy of extermination of the black youth of the periphery. As for women, the example of #Ele No, in the first and second turn we have to encourage their permanent continuity to help keep the resistance organization alive below. We also have to fight the false news in the networks; an alternative communication policy is necessary to expand the current scope.

We want to present a line of action, based on a direct program that PSOL can take as a center, dialoguing with other actors of the socialist left and social movements, starting from the central struggle of the period – which is the largest water divider between the democratic positions and the proto-fascist line of the future government – the fight for justice for Marielle.

We propose, here, elements of a synthetic program for the debate:

Justice for Marielle, a global campaign;

Defense of the rights of the people. Down with the counter reform of the retirement and the economic plan Guedes / Bolsonaro. Fight the PEC of the roof, to privatizations. Defense of employment, wages and rights of workers;

Against persecution, imprisonment and harassment of popular leaders, trade unionists and social movements;

Defense of the Amazon and the environment against the measures of plundering of capital against natural resources;

Defense of the indigenous, quilombos, ribereños and of the rural population against the attack to the demarcations of earth and the offensive of the landlords. f) Defense of the autonomy of the universities. For the right to public and free research, education and extension;

Valuation of large fortunes, dividends and inheritances. May the richest pay for the social crisis;

Fight against corruption and the privileges of the political caste and the dome of the Three Powers.

In addition to these measures, the programmatic discussion needs to have the preparation of women, LGBTs, blacks and blacks against the attacks of the new government. It is necessary to include in the debate the question of self-defense and the organization of preservation teams.

Our intervention fronts, such as Together, Together, Movement and Emancipa, will play a fundamental role in the participation of grassroots struggles. It is also necessary to stimulate the strategic debate with sectors of the security forces, inspiring and supporting the experience of the unions that are a reference in the fight against the police.

The MES-PSOL will fight with its new mandates, with our publications and with our action fronts to place our energies at the service of the recomposition of a radical, anti-capitalist and democratic left, based on the class struggle.


Bet on the creativity and resistance of the Brazilian people

The effort to set up an alternative to fight for the expansion of resistance can only be successful if it is based on the struggles of the people. Only the giant working class of Brazil, which has the face of a woman, of the struggle of the black people and youth, can stop the plans of the new government. We want to say that our militant destiny is intrinsically tied to the capacity of the people’s resistance. Therefore, in a defensive situation, we want even more to rely on the creativity and the collective experience of a people who fight every day to survive. Culture and resistance in popular forms, such as Carnival, should serve as tools to redouble the social struggle.

We will have to concentrate forces on general activities, such as the Carnival of 2019, in which the First Station of Manguera will take to the avenue a SAMBA-enredo in homage to Marielle Franco. International Women’s Day, March 8, just as in the resistance to Trump, promises to be the first major mass action in opposition to the Bolsonaro government. And, even in the month of March, the record of one year of the murder of Marielle, on the 14th, should be an important date of struggle. We have a calendar and we need to support the struggles in the places of study, work and housing.

Our parliamentary trenches will be at the service of that construction, as sounding boards of the popular struggle in times of resistance. We will stimulate the formation of revolutionary political cadres for the struggle with the people. We will reinforce the ties of struggle with the internationalists to help us in our resistance. So we can lock this hard battle and win.

A new page to support and build new alternatives in Latin America and the world, defending the power of the workers and people against the 1% of the rich and privileged, and a society without exploitation.

Writing office

  • Pedro Fuentes
  • Bernardo Corrêa
  • Charles Rosa
  • Clara Baeder