Left on the Move Left on the Move Left on the Move


The electoral victory of Bolsonaro imposes the need to articulate a democratic movement in the streets that fight to block the reactionary agenda of his future government. The defense of democratic liberties and the fight against the withdrawal of rights, as in the fight against the reform of the forecast, will be the axis of our activity in the next period.

Within what we call the left, including the combative left, the left adapted to the regime and the social movements, there is an important controversy about the pattern that unifies this democratic front and defines its scope.

On the one hand, although Lula’s prison was part of the maneuver to get him out of the electoral party, the petistas sectors involved in corruption schemes and demoralized in front of the mass movement, act on confusing elements hierarchizing the slogan “Lula Libre” and freedom of Lula as the computer axis of any unit. For this, they impose Lula and the PT as the main leadership of the democratic movement. On the other, we have the accumulation of the movement of women and youth that was expressed in the “No, as well as in the demonstrations of the second round of the elections and, later, in the resistance of the universities, in the LGBT + stops, between others.

Such movements define the amplitude of the unity of action based on the defense of democratic liberties and the few rights conquered by the 1988 Constitution, which obviously can not be limited to the frontiers of the popular front and, neither, subordinate to the leadership de Lula, under penalty of a social isolation of the left and the loss of connection with a broad sector of the masses that supported Bolsonaro, but is not fascist.

The confusion between the tactics of unity of action and defensive united front is what allows the strategy of the PT on the other sectors of the left to confuse so many militants. This is what promotes, for example, the fallacy that Ciro Gomes must be attacked as an adversary of the democratic movement against Bolsonaro, for not accepting Lula’s leadership and affirming his independence from the PT. It is true that Ciro fled to his historical responsibility in the second round, as well as to FHC and other bourgeois politicians. But would it be correct to say that actions in defense of any regression in the democratic liberties provided for in the 1988 Constitution should dispense with Ciro or FHC? Here is the key point. The program that defines the unity of action is not strategic, but we would only make unity with revolutionary socialists. Could it be enough to defeat Bolsonaro, his fascist ideology and his ultraliberal policy? Obviously not.

Outraged, the PT union bureaucrat would jump: Ah! So you want Fernando Henrique Cardoso and “democratic” bourgeois politicians to be with us in the strikes against the reform of the forecast? Of course not! We say. In addition to a broad and polyclassic action unit in the defense of democratic freedoms, we need to establish a united front with class organizations to defend the rights of workers. However, this front does not have strategic contours either.

The PT never had a revolutionary socialist strategy. He ruled the country for 13 years at the service of bourgeois factions and suffered an irreversible transformation. As a result of these pressures, its leadership was organically incorporated into the ruling classes and became a new elite. For its part, the union bureaucracy long ago abandoned the socialist strategy of struggle for power for workers. It is limited to the defense of a “human-faced” capitalism through the conciliation of classes. That is why its content is also tactical in a correlation of forces in which revolutionaries do not yet have hegemony over the real movement of workers, but there is a difference in quality.

If a tactic of broad unity of action in defense of democratic liberties takes advantage of existing contradictions within the ruling classes about which political regime allows its own domination, the single-front tactic takes advantage of the contradictions existing in the movement of the workers, especially, of the contradiction between their gentrified leadership and the mass of the exploited. In the first case the conditions of struggle for power are at stake, in the second, the struggle for the political direction of the movement towards the seizure of power. In both cases, class independence is fundamental, “we hit together, but we march separately.”

For that reason, the definition of the best words of order is fundamental both to sweep away any attempt to close the regime, as well as to defend the class and build a consistent direction since “The fight against fascism is not isolated. Fascism is just a club in the hands of financial capital. The purpose of crushing proletarian democracy is to increase the rate of exploitation of the labor force “, as Trotsky well defined.

Intensifying the campaign for Justice for Marielle Franco

The memory and struggle of our companion are a patrimony of all those who fight for equal rights, against genocide in the favelas, in defense of women, of negritude, of LGBTs, of workers and exploited from this country. Marielle is a symbol of the high intensity democratic struggles of the last period. To do justice to his death-through the revelation of the constituents, those responsible and motivations-is to fight so that these flags can continue to be upheld, pointing out that there is no tolerance in this period with political crimes of this order. Answer the questions “Who killed and why?” It is to resist the naturalization of this type of crime, in a period where the criminalization of social struggles may worsen. At the same time, the idea of ​​a license to kill by the police and their parallel gangs is strengthened as a crime against a councilor also falls into impunity. The struggle against the repressive contours of the future Bolsonaro government is already under that banner. In this way, it is very important that the whole party is committed to the search for “Justice for Marielle Franco.”

We need to build the broadest democratic unity in the streets with all those who engage in the defense of social gains and defense of democratic freedoms inscribed in the 1988 Constitution, by the way, already quite disfigured by successive reactionary amendments. We also defend the alliance with those who fight for the rights of the workers, of the women, of the LGBTs, of the negritud, of the natives and of the whole of the town.

It is up to the organizations of the working class, trade union centrals and combative unions to articulate unitary activities against the withdrawal of rights perpetrated by the Bolsón government. And we need to build a broad network of protection and solidarity around those who fight and in defense of class organizations, of youth, of social movements, such as MST and MTST. This democratic unity must also be built on the basis of the bases, maintaining our political independence against the bourgeoisie and also the reformist parties, against Bolsonaro’s measures.

For this, if on the one hand we need to seek the broadest unity in the streets, we can not exempt from making the critical balance of the PT and its great responsibility – notably the main party of the Brazilian left and that governed the country practically in the last decade and, half. And as a result of this balance, it becomes imperative to affirm the PSOL as an independent alternative, with a political profile and its own program.

Postulate the PSOL as an alternative in the construction of a “new left”

The electoral result of the PSOL in important states of the federation and the expansion of its caucuses also raises the possibility of a jump in its political intervention. For this, it is important that we reinforce the ranks of our party. In recent weeks, faced with such a challenging situation and the political force of PSOL, hundreds of activists sought our party to join. We must organize a systematic affiliation campaign to PSOL.

There is still a lot of space to defend the social, democratic and radical guidelines that PSOL vocalizes. It is urgent to reinforce and expand the base work, building in the territories a daily and consistent activity that helps raise the level of consciousness and self-organization of the exploited and oppressed.

But to realize that we are intervening in this new reality, much more defensive, we need to expand our organizational capacity. It is necessary to reinforce the power of our party with what is best, its militant force. We need to further integrate militant intervention, parliamentary activity and partisan leadership; hold periodic meetings of the executive; improve greater communication with militancy and its sectors; look for points of unity for common intervention along with the different movements such as youth, women, blackness, union. Only reinforcing the instances of democratic debates and deliberation of our party that will achieve the necessary unity in the defense of a democratic, struggle and radical program for this period – without abandoning the capacity for dialogue with other sectors and political forces on the left.

Points for a program

Considering the struggle for justice for Marielle as the central task of the next period, together with the struggle against the reform of social security, we rank below other points that should guide the political action of our party, linked to the reorganization of the left linked to the struggle of the workers.

a) Justice for Marielle

b) Defense of the social rights of workers. Under the counterreform of the Previdencia, the ultraliberal economic plane of Guedes / Bolsonaro; against privatizations; in defense of employment and wages and for national sovereignty;

c) against the persecution, imprisonment and criminalization of leaders of social, political and trade union resistance;

d) Defense of the Amazon, of the rights of indigenous peoples and against multinationals and the sale of our natural resources;

e) In defense of the autonomy of the universities, public education and the right to research, teaching and extension. Under the School with a gag, the true meaning of the project is liarly called School without Party.

f) Valuation of large fortunes, dividends and inheritances. May the richest pay for the crisis!

g) Fight for the audit of the debt and the suspension of its payment.

h) Fight to dispute the agenda of the fight against corruption with the right. Wide sectors gave an electoral turn by the approach of the subject by the candidacy Bolsonaro, is necessary to dispute that conscience.

Definitely “Free Lula” will not be the flag that unifies broad sectors of Brazilian society around this program and this calendar. The hegemony of the PT already brought the mass movement to innumerable defeats. From the reactive policy to the June 2013 Conference, then the refusal to call General Elections in the face of the imminence of the 2016 parliamentary coup and again in 2018 in the electoral campaign calling the people to “be happy again” against the growth of the extreme right. We can not err again, on pain of embittering a new defeat of even deeper character for the Brazilian working class.

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Writing office

  • Pedro Fuentes
  • Bernardo Corrêa
  • Charles Rosa
  • Clara Baeder