Left on the Move Left on the Move Left on the Move

FEMINISM AND ANTI-CAPITALISM – Women in the construction of an alternative of power

Translated by Genaro Moraes

Reviewed by Clara Baeder

 

2019, June

“The idea of freedom is inspiring. But what does it mean? If you are free in a political sense but have no food, what’s that? The freedom to starve?” (Angela Davis)

 

Introduction

This work is a publication of Sâmia Bomfim and Fernanda Melchionna, both federal deputies for PSOL,and reflects a concentrated effort to bring together all that we have built up as our conception of feminism. This view has been developed through many discussions, which have naturally intensified since we came across a new feminist wave.

In 2019, the Socialist Left Movement (MES) will be 20 years old. The history of the organization is intertwined with the trajectory of countless women, militants and revolutionaries, whose feminist ideas enunciated here have been sown over these two decades and took shape in the construction of the PSOL, as well as in our action fronts, such as Juntas!, Rede Emancipa and Mover!. They have also been strengthened in the actions of our militants in various movements, in the struggle of the working class, in the large mobilizations, in the daily resistance, in the conduction of our mandates, in addition to having been enriched in the theoretical debate and in the exchange with intellectuals who seek to make feminism and socialism living forces in the transformation of women’s lives and the society.

Faced with the new phase of women’s struggle on a global scale, with strong expression in Latin America and Brazil, we identify the need to take a new step in the definition and affirmation of our ideas. Therefore, through a retrospect of what we have been thinking and debating in recent years, this work means an impulse to face present and future challenges. In this way, we hope to create a more solid foundation for what we consider to be our greatest challenge: to organize resistance from the struggle of women and to build, for the country, a left-wing alternative of power that is socialist connected to the strength of the worldwide feminism. It is from this perspective that we present this contribution.

 

1. We live a new wave of feminism in Brazil and around the world

In recent years, a significant growth in the women’s struggle has been observed in several countries. It has taken to the streets, homes, workplaces and education institution, the media and the spaces of power, corroborating the hypothesis that we live a new wave of the feminist movement, which has returned to being a vital and relevant political force in the world.

Since 2011, a series of episodes have been reinforcing this thesis and showing both a greater adherence to feminist ideas and a feminization of protests and social mobilizations: the Arab Spring (2010 to 2012), the Indignados of Spain (2011), the Occupy Wall Street (2011), the SlutWalk in Canada (2011), the June mobilizations in Brazil (2013), the Ni Una a Menos movement in Latin America (2015), the Women’s March in Washington (2017), the strength of the latest calls for March 8 and the International Women’s strike, among others. Since then, major movements with a specific gender perspective – against the rape culture and violence against women, and for the right to the body and sexuality – have had an international projection, and women have assumed more and more protagonism in the debates, being at the center of the political struggle of their countries.

In Brazil, the Feminist Spring and the 2015 Black Women’s March were milestones for the affirmation of the new stage of feminism in the country. Since then, especially adolescent girls have had feminism as their own motto, present in their daily lives, encouraging mothers and grandmothers to do the same. In the streets and social medias, we see a diversity of profiles that believe in the strength of women as a way to achieve better living conditions. The search for equality between genders has started to worry a much larger number of women.

In addition, this feminist flame has also sown fruit in the legislative power, since women’s discontent with the political caste that governs our country is notorious. During the elections in 2018, hundreds of thousands of women led a gigantic demonstration against Bolsonaro, in the #NotHim mobilization. At that time, they already had demonstrated that the reactionary policy evidenced in the public appearances and the government program of candidate would be even more harmful to women.

Fortunately, despite Bolsonaro’s election, the number of women elected to the Legislative Houses has more than doubled compared to the previous legislature. In such a worrying scenario, it is extraordinary that the struggle of women has been strengthened: PSOL, for example, has elected a parity deputies bench, which now includes Sâmia Bomfim (SP), Luiza Erundina (SP), Fernanda Melchionna (RS), Talíria Petrone (RJ) and Áurea Carolina (MG). In the states, many women also occupied the Legislative Chambers, especially Luciana Genro (RS) and Mônica Seixas of Bancada Ativista (SP), besides many others, such as the three black women elected to the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro – Renata Souza, Mônica Francisco and Dani Monteiro, all collaborators of Marielle Franco’s mandate – and also Erika Malunguinho, the first trans representative in São Paulo.

For us, this is a strong evidence that the possibility of defeating the extreme right necessarily involves strengthening the struggle of women, something that has been expressed not only in Brazil, but throughout the world. In this sense, we agree with the anthropologist Rosana Pinheiro-Machado’s statement that “the extreme right won, but so did the feminists,” because reactionaryism has risen to power, but feminism has also been strengthened. This, however, does not mean that we can underestimate the strength of our adversary, but that the construction of a broad democratic resistance will only be possible if we can identify and catalyze the enormous transformative energy already gathered by the struggle of women so far.

 

2. We are living a total crisis of society and of the reproduction of life, whose fundamental cause is capitalism.

The capitalist crisis that started ten years ago in the United States is an important milestone for the understanding of the emergence of this new cycle of feminist mobilizations around the world¹, since it is part of a broader scenario of worsening contradictions and social struggles since 2008. Since then, workers and young people in various countries have taken to the streets in reaction to the harmful effects of the crisis, which has intensified the contradiction between the reproduction of capital² and the social reproduction of life³, as well as capitalist accumulation by dispossession⁴ of the goods and rights of the working class and of natural resources.

This crisis has hit Brazil directly, calling into question the maintenance and reproduction of life in our country, especially among the poor and black people who live in the suburbs and favelas, areas where the greatest difficulties of daily life are revealed, from the lack of employment to the total absence of the State – which, many times, is only present in the genocidal and racist actions of its police forces.

Environmental degradation has also deepened, provoking climate changes that caused catastrophes, such as the numerous environmental crimes resulting from the irrational exploitation of natural resources, such as Brumadinho (MG), in 2019, Barcarena (PA), in 2018, and Mariana (MG), in 2015. This logic has also had a cruel effect on originaries communities – riverine, quilombola and indigenous communities – whose autonomy, management and possession of territories are frequently violated by loggers, cattle ranchers and the capitalist seeking of appropriation of land as a source of profit.

We are living, therefore, an ultraneoliberal advance that, in addition to attacking a series of historically conquered rights, is rapidly deteriorating living conditions and the environment, in addition to further tightening the regime of domination to intensify the exploitation of the working class. After the election of Jair Bolsonaro – which undoubtedly represented a change in the correlation of political forces in our country -, there are greater restrictions on democratic freedoms and better conditions for applying an even more severe economic adjustment. As can be seen, the main function of this government is to make possible restraints that harm the people – which is why the Government and the National Congress are still determined to approve the Social Security Reform, for example. Fortunately, the political crisis among the fractions that make up the government, or even the revelations that increasingly imply that Flavio Bolsonaro has been involved with illegal practices and that relate him to the militias, decisively compromise the government’s plans.

In addition, the numbers of the economy corroborate the warning sign about this deep crisis. Brazil is again on the brink of recession, projections released by the Boletim Focus [Focus Bulletin] of the Central Bank, indicate that economic growth should be 1.49% this year, again lowering the government’s initial forecasts. In addition, in March, unemployment rose to 12.7%, reaching 13.4 million Brazilians. Along with unemployment, the freezing of funds for social areas is deepened – a fact revealed, for example, in the unprecedented crisis of public education. Hunger and violence have also grown exponentially and the big cities have an increasing number of people on the streets.

Undoubtedly, the black population, which is at the base of the social pyramid, is the most vulnerable in this scenario, since, little more than 130 years after the slavery abolition, racism continues to be structural in our society⁵. For the riverine, quilombola and indigenous peoples, the situation is also alarming: Bolsonaro said several times, when he was still a parliamentarian, that the demarcated lands hold riches that should be exploited, disregarding the guarantee of autonomy, management and possession of the territories of the original peoples. Even so, some gaps to resist this scenario are gradually being revealed. On May 15 and 30, hundreds of thousands of people, under the leadership of the students around the country, took to the streets in order to defend education against the attacks of the Minister of Education, Abraham Weintraub.

Bolsonaro and his minions opened several contradictions and battle fronts in his own backyard. He is incapable of presenting an effective way out of the economic crisis and his strategy is to intensify political polarization, which is fortunately already beginning to be noticed by important parts of the Brazilian people. But for the new to sprout in the face of this chaos, it is necessary to fertilize history with much resistance.

 

3. Women are a strategic political subject in the current capitalist crisis

The need for responses and solutions to this crisis is urgent. It is a task of great magnitude, since the situation is regressive and requires a profound change, which will not take place without a mass mobilization that acquires revolutionary force. However, for now, left-wing political alternatives have not been consolidated and the working class as a whole finds it difficult to promote a unitary response, given the level of fragmentation and weakness of the workers’ movement.

This is the great obstacle of the new situation opened by the 2008 crisis: the fact that political subjects and anti-capitalist alternatives do not automatically emerge and understand the contradictions of capitalism, even though they have become more evident and glaring. And the problem is that, for the struggle of the people to advance, it is necessary that the contradiction between the objective (crisis of capitalism, of the regime and of the parties) and the subjective (conscience, political subject, organization) is resolved.

Fortunately, this is not a homogeneous or immutable process. In recent years, we have had examples of democratic and popular resistance, such as that of youth and women. In these more active and dynamic sectors, anti-capitalism has found considerable adherence. The feminist tide, in particular, has opened up an intense process of politicization, engagement and radicalization of women, in addition to undoubtedly representing one of the main trenches of resistance to far-right governments and neoliberal plans, being one of the only social movements today with capacity for international articulation and coordination, simultaneously involving women in different countries.

As Marxist feminists attest, this happens because, due to the sexual division of labor, women are at the forefront of a central role for the reproduction of life and capitalism: in addition to being an important part of productive work, they perform the activities linked to the so-called reproductive work (mostly unpaid) of preparing food, washing clothes, procreating, raising children, fundamental for the reproduction of the workforce.

In The Capital, Marx pointed out how the labor force sustains the system of surplus value production, considering that the accumulation of capital is only possible when the workers, in search of securing their means of life, sell their labor capacity for a salary. What is absent in his analysis, however, is how this “special commodity” is produced and reproduced, or how it is brought into light and created: in the “working class family”⁶. More specifically, Marx did not claim that the work of producing workers – which involves the activities of procreation and creation – has a gender characteristic, justified initially by the biological capacity of women and reinforced by an educational process based on ideologies such as the myth of “maternal love,” which relegates women to activities linked to the domestic sphere. Thus, women in the households play a decisive role in the daily and generational reproduction of the labor force that capitalist society needs.

The current problem is precisely that this type of activity linked to social reproduction is one of the most affected in times of crisis. In this context, women – especially those who are workers and black⁷ – have found it more difficult to play this role that is socially designated to them, especially because, in addition to reproductive work, they also perform productive work and are a fundamental part of the labour market in Brazil. The combination of reproductive and productive work, which makes up the double and triple working sessions of women, causes them not only to work more than men, but also to suffer even more from the intensification and precariousness of work, the flattening of salaries and the loss of rights that have historically been conquered. At the same time, as this happens, awareness of their condition of oppression, exploitation and discrimination is heightened, as is their willingness to fight.

At this moment, therefore, the tendency is that this growth of the “feminine consciousness” and of the willingness of women to fight, in course in Brazil and around the world, assumes more and more a transforming sense, activating an anti-capitalist subjectivity that consolidates women as a decisive political subject in the struggle against the system, taking into account that the crisis of social reproduction has become a fundamental aspect of class struggle⁸. Since, as women seek to put an end to the social role assigned to them, many of them end up clashing head-on with a system that denies them these conditions, which has led to a progressive realization of the relationship between the oppression of women and the logic of this capitalist system.

This process is the bet of an anti-capitalist feminism, that is, a feminism that understands that the situation of oppression experienced today by the majority of women – “poor, part of the working class, racialized, migrants, queer, trans and women with disabilities” – is deeply linked to the social system that produces this oppression⁹. What the current situation reinforces, therefore, is the necessity to consolidate again, within the plurality of views and strands that today compose the feminist movement, the importance of the anti-capitalist perspective for the struggle for the emancipation of women – as presented in the recent manifesto written by feminists in the United States with the slogan “feminism for the 99%”. Because a feminism that manages to ally women’s struggle with the struggle against the system has never been so up-to-date: a feminism that does not separate the struggle for gender equality and women’s emancipation from the need to overcome racism, homophobia, the devastation of nature and labor exploitation; one that understands that women are strategic subjects to change the course of society, in other words, that believes that the struggle of women can and must change the world.

 

4. From “feminine consciousness” to “socialist consciousness”.

As explained above, women (workers, black and migrants) are today potentially strategic subjects in the struggle against capitalism. They are not a class in itself (as some feminist tendencies consider, to a great extent), but a considerable and fundamental part of the working class – corresponding to half of the population, which is responsible for giving birth and caring for the other half -, that has been hit by the crisis. Because of their role in maintaining the family, they are also the ones who feel more responsible for fighting for life. That is why, in different parts of the world, it is women who are on the front line of the resistance – be it in feminist mobilizations or strikes, in protests, in community struggles, in neighborhoods, in struggles for territories. That is why it is so necessary to think of strategies in order to organize them – something that is the object of debate today within the International Feminist movement. After all, how should women organize themselves?

Briefly, the eclipse of the socialist imagination and the disenchantment with projects of social transformation at the end of the twentieth century made the actions and debates of the feminist movement, and other social movements, start to refer less to the classic conceptions of social emancipation (class struggle, exploitation, revolution, party) and more to concepts like difference and cultural identity. As the feminist philosopher and sociologist Nancy Fraser puts it, symbolic and cultural struggles (linked to gender, race, sexuality, nationality) became a “paradigmatic form of political conflict”:

“group identity supplants class interest as the chief medium of political mobilization. Cultural domination supplants exploitation as the fundamental injustice. And cultural recognition displaces socioeconomic redistribution as the remedy for injustice and the goal of political struggle.”.¹⁰

That is, after the end of “real socialism”, there was an intense politicization of ethnic and cultural differences, while there was an accelerated depoliticization of the economy, less and less contested by social movements, so that “the search for social equality, which would have guided the political struggles for almost 150 years, would be being replaced by the struggle for recognition of differences, the core for so-called “new” social movements”¹¹. In practice, this made the desire for belonging and identity to a movement or group override totalizing perspectives and adherence to traditional political organizations, such as parties, understood as obsolete and inadequate for the organization of the multiplicity of subjects that configure contemporaneous social struggles, and that do not fit the classic modern definition of “proletariat”.

For us, the current feminist wave shows paths to overcome the conflict between “class politics” and “identity politics” that took over the “post-socialist” type conflicts at the end of the twentieth century, as the need is placed for the feminist movement today to “join forces with other anti-capitalist movements around the world – environmentalist, anti-racist, anti-imperialist and LGBTQ+ movements, and unions”¹². It is therefore increasingly evident that the multiple forms of resistance based on groups and identities will not be able to give effective answers to the problems on their own, and that a reunification is needed, which only an anti-systemic view can offer.

This means recognizing the dialectical complementarity between “class policies” and “identity policies”¹³. In theoretical terms, it is about understanding how forms of oppression actually have a “diversified-but-unified” character, since they are intrinsically integrated in a certain social context, which is life under the capitalist system¹⁴. From this perception derives the defense of a feminism that does not separate the struggle for recognition from the struggle for economic justice, and, consequently, a political strategy that is not based on a simple sum of oppressions, nor on the defense of the hierarchization of a single oppression, understood as a priority. The focus is to see, in a dialectic and historical way, that gender, race and class integrate the reproduction of a social whole – capitalism – which, in its concrete form, is racialized, patriarchal and values the life and work of people according to their differences¹⁵. From this fundamental understanding, it becomes clear the need to fight against the system and to build broad alliances between the anti-racist, feminist, trade union, and environmentalist struggles, in a “combined and unequal” view that respects the differences, at the same time connecting them to the social logic that oppresses them in different ways.

 

5. Unity of diversity for the construction of an alternative

For us, such an anti-capitalist view of the feminist struggle requires that women, besides being organized in movements, are also engaged in the construction of tools like the party. This is because the party form, in the revolutionary perspective, both allows the organization of workers for the dispute of project and power, and is a “unity of diversity”, an umbrella and mediator of different partial experiences and social segments that aim at overcoming capitalism, being able to accumulate historical lessons and, therefore, provide a totalizing and strategic view that often lacks on the immediacy and spontaneity of the actions of movement activists¹⁶. As the philosopher Daniel Bensaid defines, picking up on Lenin’s work, it is precisely “the party form that allows us to intervene in the political field, to act on what is possible, not to passively suffer the influxes and outflows of the class struggle”:

“The party is, therefore, the element of continuity in the fluctuations of the collective consciousness. History is not a triumphal march of any calm force toward the guaranteed outcome of history, but a fabric of struggles, crises and fractures. The party is not limited to clarifying an organic and natural process of social emancipation. It is a constituent of the correlations of forces, generator of initiatives, organizer of politics, not in the simple future, but in the conditional one. It is, to put it in other words, an organizer of different times, the condition of a strategic thinking that goes beyond the immediate horizon of day-to-day political tactics, step by step, rigorously without principles.”.¹⁷

 

Here, again, it is not a question of opposing the organisation into parties to the movements, but of affirming the need for both. In reality, in the current conjuncture – in which the political system and the party superstructures are discredited by reproducing the logic of corruption, careerism and privileges – the conception we claim is precisely that of a “party-movement”: a party that allows itself to be penetrated by the characteristics of the movements (for example, by its dynamism and collective decision-making practices), assigned to action and in continuous transformation, that is an active part of the movements (seeking to influence the social struggles, without controlling them).

The construction of a party-movement, guided by a policy of emancipation, is a powerful tool for the feminist struggle today. It is the form that allows the alliance and unification of different movements around a common anti-capitalist project, with a program and a strategic view. This tool creates the possibility of a reconnection between the feminist movement and the workers’ movement, which was lost at the end of the second wave and which is revived in the current context of crisis, especially from the construction of women’s strikes, rescuing a feminism that claims class methods (strikes, marches, blockades, etc.), acting in the democratization and renewal of classical unionism. Moreover, the party-movement is what can advance the feminine conscience to a socialist conscience, by giving horizon to the struggle for the emancipation of women, understanding that they will only be free after a change not only in social relations and power, but also in the way the world of work is organized, that is, that the political response to the problems of women passes through the construction and defense of a new type of society.

 

6. Postulate PSOL as an alternative for women and for the 99% and keep in the front line of resistance

This is why we must continue to strengthen PSOL. Women have already demonstrated the strength and willingness to resist in Brazil, but it is also necessary to present and build an alternative – one that not only gives women a voice, but is also part of a new country project – anti-capitalist and anti-regime. The social atmosphere in which we live, especially since 2008, has rekindled the actions of social movements and the search for anti-systemic perspectives, especially among a new generation of activists. We need to bet on the potential of such mobilizations so that they can advance in the construction of a mass political alternative.

That is why, as women of the party, we must seek to ally ourselves with the other resistance movements, participating actively in the battles against the exploitation of labor, in the anti-racist, anti-lgbtphobic, anti-imperialist, environmentalist struggle, and against corruption, among others. Our objective, in addition to building this broad alliance to resist the most serious attacks, must also be “to divide the reactionary populist bloc: to separate the workers’ communities from the forces that promote militarism, xenophobia and ethnonationalism, which, presenting themselves as defenders of the ‘common man’, are cryptoliberal”, as the authors of the manifesto “Feminism for the 99%” point out.

In this sense, we have identified the following programmatic and political challenges:

a) Strengthen feminism as a vanguard of resistance to Bolsonarism and the construction of an anti-capitalist left-wing political alternative that presents a perspective of strategic transformation for the country;

b) Justice for Marielle: to fight for the disclosure of who ordered her murder and the motivation for the crime;

c) Continue with the Feminist Spring on the streets and in the palaces: to bet on the mobilization of women as our main method and on the strengthening of feminine, feminist and combative figures that amplify our struggles in the Legislative Houses and propagandize our program;

d) Stop each and every policy that directly attacks the lives of Brazilian women, especially black, poor and indigenous women, as is the case of the current proposal of the Pension Reform;

e) Nem Uma a Menos (Not one less): to fight for women’s lives;

f) Our bodies, our rules: for the right to the body and to sexuality;

g) For the lives of indigenous and quilombola women: demarcation of lands and recognition of territories;

h) Our weapon is the education: all support for secondary school students, university students, teachers, researchers and education workers;

i) Women of the world, unite: strengthen the articulation of the struggle of women worldwide around a Feminist International.

These are our initial proposals for the elaboration of a program capable of gathering the contesting energy of the feminist movement in Brazil. We know that they do not express the totality of the mottoes embraced by the reality of women around here, but it is our kick-off for this debate. Women can and must be and organize the resistance to the Bolsonarism. The struggle against patriarchy is combined with the need to build a completely new society, “a world where we are socially equal, humanly different and totally free” – as Rosa Luxemburg said. Let’s build this together! Long live the feminism and the anti-capitalist struggle!

 


Notes

¹ Robaina, R. Um giro histórico na situação mundial. [A historical shift in the world situation.]. Revista Movimento, 2009. Available in Portuguese at: https://movimentorevista.com.br/2018/09/um-giro-historico-na-situacao-mundial

² For a deeper understanding of the concept, see “For a critique of the capitalism crises” by Nancy Fraser. Available in Portuguese at: https://periodicos.fclar.unesp.br/perspectivas/article/view/10986

³ “In a few words, it refers to the activities and work involved in the biological, daily and generational reproduction of the labour force. But let’s be clear: reproducing a workforce means reproducing people and life. This is not limited to mere subsistence or survival needs, but also to the satisfaction of more complex needs and the reproduction of skills that contribute to converting labour power into that special commodity that can be sold in the capitalist market.

We are, therefore, talking about the socialization of children, of education, but also of health and social services. ” (Arruzza, Cinzia. “The feminism of the 99% is an anticapitalist alternative to neoliberal feminism”. Socialist Resistance, 2019. Available at: http://socialistresistance.org/feminism-of-the-99-is-an-anticapitalist-alternative-to-neoliberal-feminism/15038

⁴ Harvey, D. 2004. The ‘new’ imperialism: accumulation by dispossession. Socialist Register 40

⁵ The “Golden Law” did not guarantee schooling, territory and work for the black people enslaved until then. Without rights, the former slaves were forced to submit to the most precarious labor relations, without any possibility of ascension. After the formal abolition of slavery, a policy of extermination of black peoples was institutionalized, based on criminalization (in which practices, cults and rituals were banned), imprisonment under any pretext, as well as the encouragement of white immigration, justified by the hegemony of a racist thought, supposedly “scientific”, which identified the descendants of Africans as an “inferior race”.

With the white immigration, the descendants of Africans were expelled from their territories in the countryside and settled in the peripheries of the urban centers of the largest cities in the country, once again rebuilding new black territories. Thus, the condition of blacks was different from that of immigrant workers who, even with hard working days and precarious conditions, were guaranteed the right to land ownership and better jobs

⁶ Vogel, L. Marxism and Women Oppression: Toward a Unitary Theory. Boston: Brill, 2013.

⁷ Domestic work has a strong class and racial character: in the Brazilian case, due to the colonial heritage, it is mainly black women who are responsible for this work. Thus, the activity of care and responsibility for life are common to women, but they have a much greater impact on women of the working class and, especially, on black women. Throughout history, this has been one of the main ways in which these women have been inserted into the labour market in Brazil: the work of serving their families has been reserved for them, performing tasks that did not fit the sinhás [how the slaves called their female owners, who were white women], such as dealing with dirt, in addition to manual work, which is always very unappreciated in the countryside and the city. Thus, black women have always worked outside their homes (including outside their territory), having a journey that included the home of their employers and their own. This situation is different, therefore, from the situation of white women: although, for both, reproductive work has never been properly recognized and protected by the State, for black women it is even more violent. An example of this is the domestic workers who only achieved labour regulation in 2013. Exploited from childhood with the promise of improvement in living conditions, subordinated by domestic child labour, black women have served families since ancient times and, unfortunately, they were the ones who made it possible for other women to study and conquer a job outside the home.

⁸ Cámara, J. Sujeito político e estratégia no movimento de mulheres. Revista Movimento, 2019.[Political subject and strategy in the women’s movement] Available in Portuguese at: https://movimentorevista.com.br/2019/03/sujeito-politico-e-estrategia-no-movimento-de-mulheres/

⁹ Arruzza; Bhattacharya; Fraser, Feminism for the 99%. Verso. p. 41.

¹⁰ Fraser, Nancy. From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a ‘Post-Socialist’ Age. New Left Review, n. 212. In Arruzza words: “The split from the workers’ and social movements is accompanied by the obliteration of any critique of the relations of production which are replaced by relations of power and domination in the wake of post-modernist tendencies, particularly inspired by Foucault’s ideas. Consequently they tend to concentrate exclusively on the institutions that guarantee and maintain the system of sexual roles – matrimony, the family, prostitution, and heteronormativity”. Arruzza, Cinzia. Dangerous Liaisons: the marriages and divorces of Marxism and Feminism. Wales: Merlin Press, 2013, p. 107

¹¹ Bressiani, Nathalie. Redistribuição e reconhecimento – Nancy Fraser entre Jürgen Habermas e Axel Honneth. [Redistribution and recognition – Nancy Fraser between Jürgen Habermas and Axel Honneth.] Cad. CRH, vol. 24, n. 62, 2011. Available in Portuguese at: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0103-49792011000200007

¹² Arruzza; Bhattacharya; Fraser, Feminism for the 99%. Verso

¹³ Marcelino, G.H. Marxismo e lutas setoriais: reconectando a relação entre as partes e o todo. [Marxism and sectoral struggles: reconnecting the relationship between the parts and the whole.] Revista Movimento, 2016. Available in Portuguese at: https://movimentorevista.com.br/2016/07/marxismo-materialismo-dialetica-feminismo-lgbt/

¹⁴ Ferguson, S. Intersectionality and Social-Reproduction Feminisms Toward an Integrative Ontology. Historical Materialism, v. 24,2016.

¹⁵ To put it on Nancy Fraser’s terms, this would correspond to re-establishing a relationship between demands based on “redistribution” and those based on “recognition,” that is, the double slant – economic and cultural – of oppression. In the case of women’s oppression, it involves both their productive and reproductive work and the discrimination and forms of violence to which they are subjected. Thus, the emancipation of women would require two types of response: redistributive justice and recognition.

¹⁶ Robaina, R. Faz sentido um partido político socialista? [Does a socialist political party make sense?] Revista Movimento, 2017. Available in Portuguese at: https://movimentorevista.com.br/2017/10/faz-sentido-um-partido-politico-socialista-roberto-robaina/

¹⁷ Bensaid, D. Lenin, ou a política do tempo partido. [Lenin, or the politics of broken time.] Revista Movimento, 2017. Available in Portuguese at: https://movimentorevista.com.br/2017/10/lenin-ou-a-politica-do-tempo-partido-daniel-bensaid/

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