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New Peru about political crisis

(context document and international positioning)

The facts related to the Lava Jato case revealed the level of corruption in Peru, involving all former presidents, former presidential candidates, the three branches of government and business groups, unleashing a deep crisis, which put the neoliberal governance imposed behind Fujimori’s auto coup in 1992, legitimized by the 1993 Constitution and continued by the governments of the failed democratic transition of 2001. Allegations of corruption against former President Pedro Pablo Kucinzky (PKK) led to his resignation in January 2018, a little more of a year of having assumed the government, swearing-in as president, the then vice president Martín Vizcarra with the mandate of PPK in July 2021.

However, this measure was far from solving the crisis because in itself it was a president without a party or bench, forced to rule with an overwhelming Fujimorist parliamentary majority. Thus, a scenario of entrapment was formed between a weak executive branch headed by Vizcarra and the aprofujimorism entrenched in Congress, beaten by Lavajato’s investigations but determined to fight. The blockade of some political reform measures aimed at combating corruption in the parties, as well as the need for Fujimorists to control the congress to defend their leaders like Keiko Fujimori investigated for corruption, were bogging down the stage. All this in the face of growing citizen unrest and widespread rejection of the political class.

Faced with the unsustainability of the political crisis and the entrapment of powers, on July 28 Martín Vizcarra raised the proposal to advance the general elections by April 2020. Two months later, the proposal was filed by the Fujimorist-approved parliamentary majority in an offensive that included the decision to appoint a new Constitutional Court (CC), composed of magistrates subordinated to their interests that could guarantee their impunity. Given the decision of the Fujimorist majority to capture the CC, the executive appealed to the vote off confidence; Constitutional formula that empowers him to dissolve Parliament if he is denied twice in a row, so the Prime Minister Salvador del Solar presented the issue of vote off confidence asking Congress to stop the fraudulent election of magistrates.

The parliamentary majority not only ignored the requested vote off confidence but also made progress in appointing the members of the CC in a clear contempt. Denied the vote off confidence and appealing to article 134 of the Constitution that regulates the constitutional dissolution of the Congress, on Monday, September 30, Martín Vizcarra announced the constitutional dissolution of the Parliament, calling complementary congressional elections for January 2020. In reaction to the decision of Vizcarra, the Fujimorist majority and their allies, with the backing of the largest business union (CONFIEP), called themselves and – despite not having the regulatory votes and being formally dissolved – suspended Martín Vizcarra as president. In their place, Mercedes Araoz, former economy minister of Alan García, friend of PPK and organic woman of CONFIEP, was appointed as the president in charge. They also called on the Organization of American States (OAS) to intervene promptly to mediate in the crisis. Undoubtedly, it is an act of usurpation, which ignores the Constitution and the will of the tired majority of their corrupt political management.

Although to date, the constitutional order, citizenship and the Joint Command of the Armed Forces are with President Martín Vizcarra, it is clear that the usurpation of Fujimori and its allies muddles the landscape and aggravates the crisis. We are facing a desperate action by the corporate-political reactionary coalition led by Fujimorists and its allies such as Mercedes Araoz and APRA. They know that the continuity of the economic model is at stake and that their “business republic” can collapse ending their impunity and privileges. It is worth clarifying that the government of Martín Vizcarra also chose to maintain neoliberal policy, confronting directly with the popular sectors, which prevented him from leading a broad democratic social bloc, generally aligning with economic powers.

Since the beginning of the crisis, New Peru, led by its president Verónika Mendoza, warned about the magnitude of the crisis because what was at stake was the country’s historical destiny and not just a change of government. Together with left-wing political forces, progressives, and social and popular organizations we mobilize demanding new elections with new rules and moving towards a New Constitution because the constitution imposed by the Fujimorism in 1993 is expired. Today, the dissolution of the corrupt Congress and the call for new elections opens a democratic course to the crisis, but only with mobilization and organization can we definitely defeat the reactionary coalition.

For this, it is urgent to strengthen social articulation spaces that raise the need for a new constitutional pact, advancing in a broad unity, since the struggle is one and the enemies of workers’ rights are the same as those that oppose the gender approach and legalize the overexploitation of young people, the same who want to privatize public goods such as water, the same that criminalize the social struggle and earn tax benefits.

From the New Peru Movement, we call on the international community to be vigilant about what is happening in our country and to support the majority mobilization of the citizenry for a democratic exit to the crisis, against the arrogance and usurpation of Fujimorists and their allies on duty.

It is important that the different political forces of Latin America and the world do not recognize the government of Mercedes Araoz and accompany the efforts to advance in the democratic exit with new elections, within the framework of the unrestricted respect for human rights. We will remain firm and mobilized for the construction of a new Peru in a new world as demanded by Amauta José Carlos Mariategui.

New Peru Movement
International Relations Commission
Lima, October 1, 2019

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