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Bolsonaro’s new party: an “Alliance” against the Brazilian people

Source: Revista Movimento – 11/29

Bolsonaro is completing the political turn to have his own space for his ideas. The crisis of the PSL ends with the consolidation of its new party hypothesis: the “Alliance for Brazil”. Without overcoming the combination of crisis that he gathers by the unprepared character of his government, in a “race towards the future”, Bolsonaro affirms an authoritarian project in the form of program and party.

As a result of their authoritarian threats, the hard core of the government moves to threaten and intimidate the country. In addition to publicizing the symbol of the new party made with projectiles, Paulo Guedes (Minister of Economy) reawakens the ghost of the Institutional Act-5 (decree of the military dictatorship in 1968 that eliminated constitutional guarantees) in statements to the press. What is behind this movement?

The unstable scenario is developing in the economy, rather than in politics itself: in recent weeks, the dollar has reached a galloping price, around R$ 4.25, reaching its highest nominal historical price; the price of meat does not stop rising, while the government seeks a narrative that points to the end of the crisis. Nothing could be further from the truth.

With this painting, Bolsonaro has no other way out and seeks to deepen the call to war. He is wounded by the internal crisis of the PSL, which revealed the maximum of his lack of preparation, but he wants to defend himself by attacking. The project of the new party responds to the turn of a broader bolsonarismo, which brought together the forces that led it to the electoral victory of 2018, to a narrower bolsonarismo, whose orientation is to organize material and political force around a neo-fascist project. It is a plan linked to the extreme right of the world and to the recent evolution of the situation in the Latin American continent.

The “holy alliance” against the people: Bible, bullets and fake news

After sailing for a few months in the PSL, with major defections such as those of Bebbiano (former Secretary General of the Presidency) and Alexandre Frota (federal deputy), Bolsonaro reached the end of his first year of government with a divided parliamentary group. With its majority sector under the command of Luciano Bivar (president of the PSL), Bolsonaro and the presidential clan recruited their most loyal congressmen to establish an “electoral novelty”. The accusations of “slush fund” and the use of “straw-man candidates”, especially against the Minister of Tourism, populate the debate between dissidents and opponents of the new project. The dispute over the electoral fund of the PSL and the difficulties in legalizing a new party in time for the 2020 municipal elections cast doubt on the size of the new parliamentary group, which, being a minority in the current structure of the PSL, would gain representatives of the “bullet” and the “Bible” currently found in other parties, such as federal deputy Eder Mauro of Pará.

The fundamental base of the new party would be the benches formed by extreme right-wing militaries, many of them related to militias or paramilitary groups in their states, as well as some members of the right wing of the evangelical benches. The party’s founding manifesto – a neo-fascist document – explicitly points to these sectors.

It is evident that Bolsonaro’s new partisan project seeks to give greater cohesion and organization to its shock groups, which openly express themselves on the Internet through virtual militias and the systematic use of fake news. Ministers such as Abraham Weintraub (Education) and Ricardo Salles (Environment) speak directly to this militant band of bolsoanrist combatants.

However, there is the will to go beyond confrontation in the networks, as shown by the repeated manifestations of the bolsonarist environment that threaten a reactionary rupture of the regime and a new AI-5, if there are strong street demonstrations against the government. The adoption of the acronym 38 – mentioning the caliber of the pistol – shows the search for a policy of death, linked to the systematic praise of extrajudicial executions by the police, militias and “jagunços” in the countryside. No wonder, last week, that Congressman Colonel Tadeu broke Latuff’s drawing denouncing the mass murder of black youth in the periphery and that was supported, with openly racist statements, by Congressman Daniel Silveira (PSL-RJ).

Preventive counterrevolution as a project

This week, for the umpteenth time in the United States in conspiracies with “investors” and members of Trump’s government, Economy Minister Paulo Guedes said it should not be surprising that a new AI-5 is requested if the government’s economic agenda meets resistance on the streets. Repeating what Eduardo Bolsonaro said before, the Minister of Economy shows his total harmony with Bolsonaro’s neo-fascist project.

Guedes voiced the need for a “shock neo-liberalism” to impose, even by force, its policy of privatizations, dismantling of the Brazilian state, public services and withdrawal of labor rights. Not by chance, his threat of a new AI-5 was accompanied by Bolsonaro’s announcements of measures that will allow him to impose Law and Order Guarantees (GLO) operations to reintegrate possession in the countryside and to “exclude illegality” so that the military involved in such operations, as well as those who participate in the repression of claim movements in the cities, are not legally responsible for their actions. That is, Bolsonaro explicitly threatens to use troops to combat the protests, killing, if necessary.

Since demonstrations have spread to countries in the region, such as Ecuador and Chile, Bolsonaro and its surroundings have repeatedly threatened to close the regime if there are protests in Brazil against its government. The neo-fascist wager to impose the ultraliberal shock program is already being openly aired in an attempt to prevent, using fear, popular mobilization and prepare the conditions for a coup if the government is under pressure.

The actions against NGOs and activists in Santarém are also authoritarian in nature, aimed at intimidating the struggles in defense of the Amazon and deflecting responsibility for the environmental disaster that Bolsonaro and Salles impose on Brazil.

Facing Bolsonaro in all terrains

Faced with this scenario, our option can only be to seek democratic unity, the struggle against the militias and the search for a broad mobilization of the working class and the Brazilian people. It is possible to defeat Bolsonaro’s project: his attacks are multiple and reach the great mass of the people. The indignation of the people is growing in the favelas, in the factories, in the rural settlements and in the communities in general. The democratic sentiment is great. The students throughout the year, together with the educational community, gave a lesson that can be fought and conquered.

The example of the Latin American situation shows that only in the streets can solutions to crises be found. Unfortunately, the opposition and majority leaderships of the mass movement, such as the CUT (Central Union of Workers), did not build unitary spaces and calendars of mobilization that would be up to the task of turning indignation into action. The struggles that exist, such as the heroic teachers’ strike in Rio Grande do Sul, serve as a point of support to show the way.

The PSOL must seek unity to confront the government in all lands and disputes, preserving its independent and anti-capitalist profile and affirming the need for a popular solution to the crisis, seeking to serve the interests of the multimillionaires who support the anti-popular program and the authoritarian and shock policy of the Bolsonaro government against the Brazilian people.

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